John Quincy Adams

yhis gentleman has been in public life, at fióme and abroad more than fif:y years, and fcafl hadperhaps greater advantages than any ;nan liripg to observe and fully understand the practical working of the different political parties of the nation . The foliowmg tcstimony in reference to the existence and potency of the elave power in the nation, as jexpreseed by hira in a report, on manufac. ture in 1833, is certainly entitled to great weight. It is not, in any technical senso of the word, an abolition teslimony, inasmuch as it was the resull of Mr. Adam&' delibérate judgment, before aboliiion had become a subject of universal investigaüon. The represcntalives of slave property in Congresss, conslituíe a combined and .concentrated power, always operaiing tu 4he support and fuvor of iIkj slaveholding interest, and against [ie mn-ihern freê interest. Tho h ís tor y of the Union hits afforded a continued proof that this rcprcscntation of property has sccured (o the 8lavcholding States lije entire control of the nutional policy, and almost wiihuU i ception the pöasèsslon of the highest Execlive office in the Union. Always nnilod i io the purpose of reguiating the afTairs óf i jhe whole Union by the standard i holding interest, tlieir dispruportioiiate ' purobers in tiie electoral colleges, have ( gnabled them, in ten out of twelve í (ions, to confer the Chief Magistracy i on one of their citizens. Tlieir sufírages f at every election have been almost exolusively confined ton candidale of their own t caste. t