The American Anti-slavery Society And The Whigs

The annual meeting of this Society was recently held in New York. There are several things respecting the association deserving of notice. It comprises aJI the nbolitionists who depend on moral suasion alone for the accompliahment of their object. A large number of the Friends in Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, is connected with the Society, and the usages of the meetings partake of the pcculiarky of that sect. - At the late meeting, females served as officers. and on. committees, and the meetings were opened by a season of silence. There are many men and women in the society of much talent and energy, and though usually accounted quite ultra, and sometimes insane, yet they can and do exert much influence. "There's method in their madness" The Society has one organ, the Nationai A. S. Standard, publiehed in New York, edited by Mr. and Mrs. Child. They are both good writers, and it has a large circulation. The Standard and the Society have uniformly taken ground against the Liberty party, and have opposed itwith more zeal than they have manifested towards the Whig or Democratie partios. They expect to abolish slavery by or through the agency of one or both the great political parties, and it is not etrange that they should expect much more from one than theother. Mr. Child, sometime since, wrote an article showingof thirty anti-slavery speeches made in Congress, iicentynine were made by Whigs, The sympathies of the members must of course flow out more freely towards the party from which hcy expect the most.We notice that in appointing ihe ofllcers of the Society, Mr. Garrison, the disunionist, was not honored with any official situation. Th is Jact, connected with the recent disclaimer of his project by the Executive Committee, seems to show that the society will cut loose entirely frora tha scheme. Among the Vice Presidenta ve notie Zephaniah Pi.att, of Michigan, late Attorney General of the State. Mr. Platt is reputed to be and, doubtless is, 'as good a whig as any body,' and of the 'Tyler too' school. We mention this only to show the peculiar policy of the Society, by which a man can be a good abolitionist, and a zealous Whig or Democrat at the same time. - All the oificei-s, for aught that we know, may be as strongly committed to Whig principies as Mr. Platt. We mentioned it was natural the members of tne Society should have partialitiea for that party which does mest for their objects. But that the leading Whigs of the nation should publicly favor the pölicy of the society, is something new. Who would expect that John Tylek and Daniel Webstkr in 1842 would be contributors to an anti-slavery society? Yet such seems t3 be the fact. We cut the following from he Friend of Man. We do not pretend to explain the matter. The best we can do is to repeat the njunction of Brother Hough. Let him hat readeth understand!CAN IT BE WHIGGERY! The Standard, Mrs. and Mr. Childs' pnper, pposes with great earnestnees the JLiberty party. We have often hcard öf "Benton mint. drops," ut what have ve here? President Tijlcr has given bis doliar, and h8 Secretary Daniel xas given his tictnty-fivc dollirs! We copy the following from the Treasurer's eceipts in the Standard ofMay lOth. Let him vho readeth uaderstand. Moses Wilanirth, East Attleboro', Mass. $5; John Tyler President o f the United States, by William P. Powell, $1; Jobn Ketchum, Jericoh. Long Island, $10; Daniel Wcli'er. Secreiary ol' State of the United States, by hie "particular friend," James C. Fuller, Skeneateles. N. Y $25. But though the Society is se liberal that it practically admits political men of any party, (unless the Liberty party be an exception) and receives the contributions of slaveholders into its treasury, yet the resol utions adopted ha ve a strong antislavery spirit.Several of the Whig papers in this State have quoted the former resolutions of this society againsta third political party, for the purpose of infiuencing whig Abolitionists to continue their connectnn with the whig party. Will these papersfunher instruct this class of their readers by publishing the following resolution of the same society? Resolved, That it be recommended to voling abolitionists to submit the following question to all candidatos for legisl.itive office; viz: Are yju favorable to the abrogation of evcgy provisión of the Consütntion and laws of the Union, and of the State, which may in any manner require the aid of the people, or their public agents, to the holding of human beings in slavery? Thé resolution was adopted with one dissent - ing voice. The question proposed here looks formidable on the face óf it, and there is not a prominent Whig in the State who would venture to answer it affirmatively, according to its intention, and there is not one who, with qualifications, will not avow himself in favor of it. What whigpolitician can be fóurid who is not 'favorable' to the abolition of slavery, when it can be consistenly brought about with the consent of their southern overseers Borne fifty or a hundrcd years henee; but to use effórts for its unconditional and inimcdiúie abolition - that will never do! They are not favorable to Ihat! Thua the luestion,practically,may mean something or nothing. Will Mr. Platt and those who hold to the sentiments of the society, take the trouble to question the candidates of the partiès next fall? Or will it be found more convenient and expcditioüs for each voter to take the abolitioniam of his favorite candidate for granted? Should the questioningsystem be adopted here - not that we have a partiële of faith in its efficacy - it would be curious to read the different answers, and observe ihe ingehuity that would be displayed by the catididates, should they condescend to answer, in pretending to be be in favor of something, and yct pledging themeelves to nothing at all. But the following preamble and resolution is a sweeper. Whereas, the action'ofp olitical and rcïgious bodies in this country, has, to all intents and purposes, proved them to be the great bulwark and pillare of slavery; and whereas, the connection of professed abolitionists with those associations, constitutes the most perplexing obstacle that the antUslavery enterprise has encountered, and furnishes its enemies with an unanswerable argument against the sincerity ot its professions; therefore; Resolved, That ïio person is to be regarded as a consistent abolitionist, who voluntnrily continúes connected with, or gives support to any organization, cioil or ecclcsiastical, which gives countenance to slavery, or refuscs to act against it. What will our whig abolitionists says to this? Will they contend that the whig party isslavery? Thus the current of Anti-slavery feeling is divided into three channels. A large portion of it is concentrated in the Liberty party, whose organization extends io all the free States exccpt Rhode Island. A aecond división of the abolitionists rallies under the old American Society, whose doinga we have just noticed. It comprises a large amount of piety and moral worth, although, in many cases, united with singular and one-sided views of things. It is not probable the Society, as such, will ever take strong grounds in favor of any politicol body, but the member8 individually will act out their politica predilections. The third class comprises a strange medley of spirits, of both sexes, of all beliefsand opinions, wbo will probably unite wi;h Mr. Garrison and the no-human government party in advocating a dissolution of the Union. But he will be in error who infers from the división of labor which has taken place ainong theabolitionsts, that their strengihwill be weakened by flowing in several channels instead of one. The very reverse is true. They all. agree in their opposition to slavery, and each class is now free to lay its plans and exert its energies,''wihout conflicting wjth the views orefibrts of othere who are enlistcd in the same cause.