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Letter From Washington

Letter From Washington image Letter From Washington image
Parent Issue
Day
1
Month
August
Year
1842
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

Washington, July 1832. Eflitor of the Signal of Liberty: - Dear Sir: - During a two weeks residencc in thts cify, I have been diligent in looking into the position of our anti-slavery c.iuse, and the doings of iriends and foes in tliie quarter. Amid the strifè of party - the rriovementa of politicians - the hurry of business - the pites of documents, and the bustüng throng in and about the halls of Congreso, it ïs not easy for a stranger to beco.ne initiated in the mysteries enacting around him. Mysteries! sy you, - what? Mysteries in the open - the public houses of debate? Aye, truly. and pretty tough mysteries too To be sure, you can understand that a certain söLject is under consideration. provided thnt you get a good hearing spot,and can cornprÊhênd the éxpYess'ed meaning of a bilí or a resoluiion, but those, whó coppose th.it they then know what is going on are, blees the mark I butgreenhorns: they have much to learn, and after an interval, in which they revelled in their supposed knovledge, and feit many a patriotic throe, after hammering out many a etroke of policy, until it was beaten into the "right sou of notion," and giving binh to many a mental speech, beginning - Mr. Speaker - they find "alittle learningis a dangerous thing" - and that they know- just nothing at all - and thut a plain-seermng measure does not siand hy itself, but is part of somecnlarged system of operations, a det:iched band, as it were, of an army politie, destined only to perfurm a 6ervicc subordínale to the grand plan. Without pretending to much iniliation in these mysterious evolutions, still I have been enabled to glance nt the prominent moves, and by digging into documents.conve sing with members, attending debates and using no small diligence, to-pjek up some information. The attentive observer sees with regret, that with the exception of a few conscientious patriots, every person in power, from the President to the door-keeper óf congress, is aiming exclusive!)' at party or personal elevation, and that the game, even now playing, has more reference to the presdential election of 1844 than to the wants of the countr.v. Heretofore two great parties strove for mastery. but a third has lately pushcd itself in, while the embryo materials for ono still stronger than nll, are bcginning now first to show tliemselves. Tho Tyler party is founded on the ruins of the democrats an'd wljigs. but chiefly on the latter, and his "Accidency" is verily persuaded that out of the modéralo of these two, he can raise up a Tyler party. All three are operating. each in its own WBy, and alfiiost-evory politica] measure has reference to'thciT future suprehiairy. The whig or Clay party contains several honest men, but the party seek to exhibit Tyler in an odious point of view. Tyler ;nys his hand on his hcart, and ?alks of i!his conscience," and has repeated this soof'cn that "his conscience" begins lo be rather a stalc commodity. Tho democrats fan the flamo ofdissemion, flatter Tyler, and 'bide their time." Wf.en the presidential election is had. they will be found, to a man, in theirold ranke. Sucli is an outlinc of the "Great Game." Mcnrnvhile another party 8 beginning to leavcn he public councils. It is the aiiti-s!avery party - and it even now exerts no small influence. - The progress made in the House of Representauves, during the last two of the present sessions. in favor ot anti-sïnvery is really extraordinary -nd vcry gratifying, but after all it is but an echo of public sentiment, ns the House ever must bc - stil! the House feelinsr is the test of opinión, and embodies it in an available shnpe. The dead and iick'y BtibsemerJce to the South on this (juestion, which predomínate two years ago, is gone. - Then no one dared to npproach the subject even remotely - the slightest allusion .was hushed undcr the gng rulc; nnd the only opportunity of j 1 :4ÊÊÊÊÊÊiing it a fair thrust, arose on the settlement of tl rules. The old Speaker, who. ofcourse.indexed the House fceling, was most ultra and unmerciful in opplying the gag. An old whig member from Ohio, who detèstcd slnvery, eiill thoupht t so engraftcd on the nation, and the South blustered so much at the least allueion to it, that he dcemcd it wisest to let the evil be, and Iet the South have its free course on the subject, and though a good spirited man, he bowed in submission to southern slave domination, as an evil less than would be entailcd by opposing it. - This waa the general feeling. but it is gone ncver to return - the tide has turned the other way, faint of course in its fust fiow, but very perceptible, and an assurance of that rcsistless body, of which it is but the unerring precursor. The first effectual inroad made on this shameful subservience, wosby Mr. Giddings in a epeech dclivercd Feb. 9, 18-11. Mr. Adams and Mr. Slade of Vt. had fnithfully done theirparts on petition questions, but the strict gag Tule, and its still move strict application, debarred them from doing mucli. Mr. Giddings. before a more liberal Speaker, has been the Father oí a new system, and thnt is, boldly to discuss the subject, on questions pending in due course before the house, and to doit within the rules. He commenced it on a proposition of Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina, to appropriate $100,000 for the Seminóles emigrating. Mr. G. had, with much labor, travelled through several vol uminous dócuments, (one numbering over 300 pnges) and from them was enabled to substantiate beyond relutation the following propositions: lst. That the Florida war was begun solely for the purpese of capturing fugitives, and in consequence of a statement from their owners, of the shelter the Seminóles afibrded them, on which President Jackson had hnnself endorsedanenquiry, and that ifthe facts were truc, the tribe should be removed. 2d. That the war was so undersíood, and avowed, even by published documents in Florida. 3J. That the treaty, under which the war is now carrying on, had lain two years without presentation to the senate, but wben the above statement was sent in, it was thenfór the jiral ti?nc presented, confirmed and enforced by the bayonet.4th. That peace would long eince have bee made, but for ihe stern demand of the few slave holders in our territory, for their slaves. and thei own attempt to take them - nay. that peace va actually made,and would have con'.inued, as Gen Jessup reponed, but for such interrerence, anc that it went so far, that a public meeting at St Augustine rernonstrated ngainst a treaty mr.de because "their negro property" wasnot cared for Say8 Mr. Giddings: "Our troop3 were again pu in motion, the treasury of our nation was aeain placed under contribution, nnd the blood of defenceless women and helpless children again flowed, in order as it appeared, that slaveholders m'ght recover their slaves. I speak, sir, front documenlary ccidsncc. 'These fiets an on record in íki archives of our natim, ani toill deseend in all coming pos'eritj (o gir.echara.cler to ihis unholy war." 5Ui. That the d3honorable slinuilantto Amorican regular rroojia to do their daty, was, that all slaves taken should be their property. Says Mr. Giddings. ogain: ii-Our riational flag, wliich floatod in proud triuinp'i at Saratoga, whicr was envelopéd in a blaze &f gloiy at Monmouth and Yorktown, secr-s to have been prostituted in Florida to the base purpose of leading on an organized company oí "'negro catchers." Sir. no longcr is :our corxTRï" the batila cryofour army in their advance to victory; but slaccs has becomc the watehword f o inspire themtoefi'oit. No longer does the war-worn veteran, amid the battle'8 rage, think of his country's glory, and nervehis arm in belialf of freedmn: but with cagle eycs he watches the wavering ranks of the enemy, and as the smoke rises frorn the battle field., he plunges amid their fleeting cohorte to seize upon his sable foo that he may make him his future slave."6th. That 103 slaves of boih sexes wcre taken, and that the United States took th'em ofTthe captors' honda by paying them from $8000 to $14,600. Thus the nation - the free American Itcpublic has been made slaveholder and seller. 7th. That these slaves were agam sold to a man of the name of Watson. 8th. That hesides theabove slaves 35 wcre re captured and delivered back to the ir owners anc o premium of $20 per head was pafd to the captors by iheünitcd States, undcr General Jessup's order, No 175. Sep. 6, 1836. The following is this notable order: "1. The Seminóle negrocs cap'.urcd by thj army will be taken on account of Gotcrnmcnt, and held subiezt to the order of Vit Sccrélqry of War. "2. The siim of éight thousand dollars, will be paid to the Crecf; chiefs nnd warriors, by whom thcy were captured, or wh'o were present at the capture, in full for th ir claim to them. i;3. To induce the Creek Indians io' take alivc, and not destroy the negroes of citizens who had been captured by the [Seminóles, a rewárd was promised ihem for all thcy should secure. Tliey captured and secured thiny-five, wlio had been returned to their owners. The owners have piid nothing. but the promise to the Indians must be fulfilled. The sum of twenty dollars will l'o albwed to tliom for eacli from lbo puWi lunds. '■4. Lieutenant Searle is chargeJ wiih the cxccutionofthis order." 9. That th'3 bloodhoimds were got for "the negroes." and nol for the Indians, and that our troops were in fact but so many "negro hunters"' for the few and selecl aristocracy of Florida, and our "foriy millions" spent in the wak, I mean, HUNT, but a trifle from our northprn pockets, for an institulion, which we are" told we of the Northern States have nothing to say to, and expended on a termory, which lhoug!i ourown, and purchased by iis. ws are gaggcd from dcbijjbji ing about in Congress. Other facts of a decply interesting nature wcre brouglit forward by Mr. GiddingJa a calm' -- speech, limited almost emirely to fact, nnd official documentary evidence. Hia excellent speech should be in every person's hands, and was print ed at ncarly a dozen cilics in pamphlet form, be-' sideá undergoing five editions, and an extensivo newspapcr circülation. It may casily be imaginad wliat ah effect thi thundcr clap produced, aa it broke amidst thé hitherto inviofatc recesses ofslavocracy, and how it electrified the startlèd rac'mbers. Even Mr. G.'a best friends thought he had done a íoolish thing, and ruinedhimselfas a politician, butMr. G. knew better. Of strong uiind- an original thinkcr, and feelirig that truth, anti jüstice lay al-' together with hira', he fearleesly threw himself on these great principies, and left "consequencea" to take care of themselves. The result proveí lie was correct. After the first surprise passé by, the solemn and portenfous facta, till ) surmised, which he dragged to view, remained', and alarmed every reflective and dispassionnta mind, and a gradual chango of public opinión iaa resuhed. This chango has been much precipifated by' the Adnms-cxpulBion-measure, and the vote of censure on Mr. Giddings. The faets elicited by the d.scussmn of theoné, with the high-handed'-' ness of the measure, and ita defect; nrid the pre. cipitous injustice andindeeëncy oftho other, wit Mr. Giddiug's triumphant return, líaie been oré blows to the oíd -'submiesive systcm." Subjects formcrly excluded are now frcely discussed, aric Mr. Gidding's since hís return has treated the house to a long and most ablo argument on the consíitutional por.er of Congrese over elavèry. In tact he has discussed the principies contained' in his rcsolution, forwhích.hc was censured.- He has also been reccived with increased respect and kmdness by the house, and the movere of lus censure are the chief movers of their own itt advised haste.Therc are in the houso sevon avowed aboütiori '.sts- Slade of Vermotit; Giddings, of Ohío; Adame, of Massachuseits; Mattox, of Vermonf James, of Pcnnsylvonia: Borden, of Massachu'setts; Gates, of New York; bcsides Ilaatin-a of Massachusetts, lately dead. Mr. Undenvotfd, of Kentncky. is liberal. Two fröm Virginia, und iwo fram North Carolina are ab'ditionists, but dare not r.vow themselves. and a very íarge majonty of the Northerri vMug niember8, with some of the demócrata are irí facr. tíiough not in name," abolitionists. Jt is cxpccled that the Gag rule of the present session is tke last that iill ever disgrnce an American Congresa.The abolition feeling undoubtedly is greatly advanced in Tenricssee, and also in Virginia, ana haa made great progress in this very cily, and ere long, íf abolicionista are prudent, a bright and glorious reward of their exertions wilí be thèirs. The enquiry naturally suggests' itself, whai hos ciTected this pleasing change' in public sentiment. The dateof its birth c'eems te answer the queptiori. Jt arose ín diie courso of time after the abolitionfsts had forrried a third party, and hoisted tlie liberty ban'rier. No party could expect success for theír principios, while they committed thesuicidalactofvoting againstthem, nnd nurtured principies opposéd to their own: far Iets :ou!d success result in a legislativo body, until that body was leavened in a legitímate mannor by the ballot box. From the moment we b'è'garï to act consistently, a blessing has rested on oïïf effurts; Even th'ough wc seldom clect our men,' political action makes our principies known, and politica] action procured th:cni respect. Meri cáréd not for us while we werè moralists. but they would know as politicians, that for which hey v.-ere indifferent as men. Trutli beingoura such as will bear any teet, impresses our advérsaries, and they can, with an unhurtconscicnce, adojpï all our principies, without compiomiaing. hoir owrï. The wbig can still vote whïg measarea, and he demo'crat support his party, and yet cach can dd to hls own, the aboütion principie, not merey without injury to olJ prejudices, but actuallf ,■ ii powerful aid of them. Does ttíe whlg ot the demCcrat seek to bu'ild h?s politica! óreed en a olid foundation, such as will be frde frorn error nnd incoríaisteney, he wifl tííá it víhh us: with us he will spread beneath Km the noblé éclaration of '76, and legallj', constitutiünally and pcaceabJy upbuild upon it that superetruclure, which will be an untissaihbfo fortross for his principies: but to'cast that aeidë- or tóiakc it in paxt, and in part reject it,Í5to ad ruit inconsistency, and antagonist eleme:ris, wheré there should bo the utmost 8trencth.Whflc Í claim', tXiá jifstly too, for our Iiíjerly effoTla the diftiïsion of knowledge, ahdtfié politica! excilemont, wh'ich has operaicd favorMy .$ hrough the connnuniiy generolly, jusiicc obligca me io reecgnize other causes, whictí óperated" oá'S Congrcss. lst. The presence of Mr. Lcavitt, nar reporter'1 - for the abolitibn press has been a measure of vast niportance: no single moveinent could have been of cqual benefit. He ia treen in his place in the ïouse, as representing Iiberty. He is theré exIuaivey o behnlf of those paramount intcr 3t s we advocate - he takes hrs place beeida ie reporters for other parties,and rèmin'ds'frióiida id rons that bcliind hun, there is a party, one hicli wields the press, which %vatch3 their procediiigs.. and tests them by the Iiberty principies. Friends are stimulatcd - foes are discouragcd, and the wavcring confirmed by the ever present assurance that there is a press to sustain and to expose. These general benefits are much enhanceá by the zeal and ability of Mr. Leavitt. He is ever at hia post, and incesaantly at work for the one object. Now he reports-then he pokes through long documents - then he dives inio the library in quest of some pertinent reference - he cóflates - compares and hunts vip. Next ho makes a skirniish through the ranks of the members (out of door) and quietly picks upa fact here, or a design there - his industry never ceases - hia fire ncver cools, and the reeults are all npplid to

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Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News