Communications

Washikgiov. Júly :50. 1842. Editors of Signal of' hihcrty:-- My last communicaled a glance af. the prospecta and position of anti-slavery effort, and at the struggle of party for predominance; but while there is a democratie, a whi;; 'and a Tyler aspirant for. the presidency, all these parties unite in one respect, antagonistic as their spirit on other questions is. there yet is one principie a round wliich they all rally, and in which their only etrife is an emulons zoal to out vie each olher. The matter, whose magie power slüls theangry discord of polilic;l '.varfaro, and omalgamates tha dbeorddnt raaterials of party, is formed in that God to which this republie has hitherto bowed - (ho slaveholding power. As yet our history exliibüs the fact, thr:t while cach party may contest their re=pective piinciples, the baltle must be subordínate to the paramcunt consideraron of protecting the southern jhstitiitions nnd interests: accordingly all the present named candidates, for whom the greatgomo of poitical cunniiig is now carrying on, are "true lues! to this dominant interest. For the demócrata, John C. Calhoun, or still worse, Martin Van Buren- for the whig?, H. Clayi and for the Tylers - the prerent incumbent, a fiord to the unión, too plainly for mistake. an iradication cf the ruling interest, and the intended political game: all of these embryo Presidents, are southern feluveholders, and deeply pledged to the sjstcm, except onö, and that one excels all the rest ifl the fierceness of of his pro-sla very bias.This plan is but in strict kccping vvith cxpeiience: while parí)', and principie liave often ehifted ground, and been mingled orconfused the cotirse of pro-slavery has bccn simple, unchanged, and uncompromising. Since our independence we have bad 3 northern presients,vbile our ' wliito population has been ar bout doublé that of the South. One oí' these S was the slave -interest devotee VanBureti - each of the novtherner? enjoyed but a single term. The South has hnd ail the rest; all the other governrnent officers, and fóreigu appointments have been in the same proportion, lid we now iind in ifte coming contest that the same iritegnty of principie is preserved.- We ore but ófifcfêd a choice amon'g persons dovoted to southern intorests. By sonthern ínterestsl mea not .erelytliose which foster slnvery, abominable thcugh thia be, and justly obnoxious as supfc a system in itself is, there is added to the radical evi),.tbe fhet tbat it is répughant io fresdom, pnd that both cannot ro-exist, but eithef of them uiust devour the other. By southetn inferests, theh, I mean thöse wl;ic!i ha ve exercised nn activo and hostile infltience against tli').;e of the North - cbemhing the producís of slave labor- sneriüicng thosë of free - finding a homo and a market for sluve producís over the worlil - exckuüng- those of freedom altogeiher, so far aspossible, mul using onr tederaJ power to pour vitaüty into that vicious sysíom of labor, iinpregoated wilh inherent i'vcny, thus fostcing' and kooping ulive, Whdï, if hit to ntfiure vvould perish from innnte consutription, and seeking to strangle that pystcm of free labor wliose nalive vigor síill rises 3tlpelior to evory contest. It is ovving to tiiis predominant influence n onr ntttiönal councils, that süava labor proflljce is adrnitied to the poris of the vor;! whüc that of freo labor is sluit ouf, anti severa] foreign ombassies Iiave bconestoblisliGilthifipsion, to ptotect the tobáceo interest, while vyhöat ia left to porish: it is ihcreibre, (Jbal thé pew tarifí'bill lias raiued tlie ddfj on eugar bo yond vvhat it now woukl bc by the compromise act, mnkingr ii j cents per Ib., so lh.it norfhern consumera may pay 2J cents more por 1b. !o sustain tlie slave sys;cni, and givc out of tlie cm plus earnings of free labor to 4 or 500 éoulbern eugar planters about üi rinlliona in the year, by tfiis new tax, io comte them for (ie Jo.sa consequent on a bad ' Lvs'cm. In fact it is weU nown here, araonn; tbcjewho attersd to tho subject, that there is a systematic design on the part of the South to extend slnve institutions over the north, because thcy foei lliat the two systems are so repugnant, that cno or othcr must give way. ilr. Adumö in lus celpbrated defence to his expulsión resolution of this session, nmong oihcr things stated, that before he had concluded ho would prove this design too ele ar for denial, and accordingly called for hisdocuments. The South was alarmed - they preferred the ignominy of defcat and to swallow thcir own vengeful feeling, as an cvil less tlian those to follow Mr. Adams' exposition. I regret the premature death of these proceedings, triumphat though the resul t was. Mr. Adam's assertion, however, of this fact is no email evience in itsclf. His bare assertion ■ entitles it to universal credit. Mr. Clay is snid to have uttered some such eentiment in a public speech in Kentucky. I conversed with Mr. Adams on t'.ie subject - his proofs were too scattered. and reposed too much within his own knowledge, to be accessible to a stranger. He saul i Virginia slavebolder lately, toid him that slavery would extend over the Union. This desire, in fact, is notorious to the üttentive obferver. The reporter cf the New York Ilcrald, the most ab!o of those present, a sagacious and clear thinker, in an admirable sketch of Calhoun lately given, has this just remark - "briWant and polent as have ben his efforts, they have originated, operated and ended in the oneidea of bendinsc this country and the wnrld so as to perfect and perpetvatc the peculiar itistitutiönb of the Sovth." If this be so, and it is written onevery line of Jno. C Calhoun's speeches, and graven o his ever act. who doubts that he, the fountain of south ern policy, whose breatli has made or unmad a war - a naiionnl bank - a tariff, is au uner ring index of southern policy? We, of th North, havo slept so long on our rights, an( been so liftle suspicious that we can hará! credit these things; the South however judge of us by our public acts, and finding us here toforc subservient - deeming slavery nationa uniformly successful in their polirical measure and ignorant of northern detestation of it, the; naturaüy indulge in expectations which to u is impossible. Tho South has gaincd a rharch and a eeri ous one too, on the North in the apportioi ment bill. You have already probably com mented on it, and I need but glance ttt it. - Under the old apportionment tho North hac presidential votes 168 The South, 126 Norlhern mnjority, 42 Ünder the new apporüoniüent, the North will have, 161 The Souih, 114 Northern majority 47So tiiat the North whosé wlnte population has increased viüiin the last 10 years, very nearly three for cacli one of tho South rece ivcs but un increase of five in thc legislalive hal'.s. The reldtive power of the soutli s greatl; increased in tho advance of power by the Sen ate on the house - one half of the Senate is South. Hereiofoie the Senate wasas 52 to 294 of the House. Now it will be as 52 to 223. The Senate id the aristocratie, and the House the popular brnnch - one is irre.-ponsible to ïhe peopl?, and independent for six ycars - the other is dircctly chosen by the peoplp. and Lisls only two years; and jet while the people have increased from 12 f. o 17 miliïous, their rtpreseutation is reduccfl some twenty-five per cent.; of course all th is fa vors and strengtliens tlio Soutli vastly, for as the popular bianch loses power the other gains t, and in that other, thc South has a half, though eo inferior in pppulatiotl. It wil] be recollected that this apportionment enianated from the Senate. The House had increased the representatives to 306, but the Senate checked the number by 83. The conespondent of the Herald sunia up his observations by eXhibiting in a lilïe the practical result. He Shys, f'thia Senate made pportionment lias roíbed the North of one fourth at ltat of one ijnnrtcr of i's practical influence," "and gives it to the South." Is lirïs a time to wrake; tïie North and strengthen the South? Well may the Iatter hope to extend slavery over the Union.