Mr. Clay And Slavery

Uncler this tille, on the first pnge, vvill be found an articlc fiom the N. Y. Tribune, setting tlio aboiitionists rig'it in reference to "their coarsc, viie, unvvarranteble, andslanderous statements" respecting this dislinguUhed slavebrecder. We l)ave published gome statements reepecting Mr. Clay's conuection wiih 'the institution,' but we suppose them to be neitliér vile nor slanderous, but true. - Whcn convinced they are not, we will cheertully retract tliem . Ilere we vvill take occasion lo soy that the Tribune does J. C. Fuller great wrong in representing bim as a mean and contemptii)le spy. On his journey south, ie called at Asliiand lo sec Mr. Clay's improved cattle, and vvhen Ratjsfied respeciing them, immediaiely left. Why this great sensitiveness? Americans visiting Europe think it no crime to ask questions of the workmen and operators every where, respecting their condition nndemployments; nor is it a crime. None vvill object to il, but those who fear the answers will be unfavorable to themselves. The politica] friends of Mr. Clay may not be avvare of it, but it is for their interest to say nothing whatever in reply to the observations of aboliticnisis or others respecting his slaveholding. All the defences they can set up will but arrest public attentionj and wake up discussion: and that discussion will infallibly result to his disadvantage. The best course they can take vill be to say, as we are informed some of his friends do say, "We do not care whether Mr. Clay is a elaveholder, or a duellist, or not: we do not trouble ourseives about these minor things: we know that he is a patriot and a statesman, and that is all we want." We think therefore the Tribune has great 1 y mistaken the road of policy in introducing the topic to the considcralion of its thousands of readers, and its numerous exchanges, many of vvhotn will copy the article, and thus induce a general discussion of the subjoct. Wc, however, shall rejoice to see it extend. In order to contribute owr portion, let us inquire fora few moments, wh8t is the actual connection of Mr, Clay with slavery. 1. He owns (?) about fifty slaves. - Ho has held them many years. He keeps, raises, buys and sells slaves. Sofarhe is a component part of the slave oovver. 2. He holdö these human beings against their will - by force- by violence. The case of Charles, who was psculiarlysituated, having a wife and children at Ashland, is said to be an exception. But how is it with others? Will any one deny they are held by constraint? Has Mr. C. ever offered them their liberty? It vvill be time enough to say they would not have it, after it has been offered to them, and they have fefused it. 3. Mr. Clay has been fhameless enough to insult his fellow citizens by ofiering them a large reward for seizing and returning to him two fugitives, whoso title to liberty was as good as his own . Their crime was , that they preferred freedom in Canada to "a pound e bacon per day, free access to the meal tub,and plenty of vegetables" at Ashland. Who blames them for their choioe? 4. That Mr. Clay's slaves are retained in his service by physical force, and not froni any attachment to him, is evident from the fact siated by the Lexington Intelligencer that they have "tascs" allotted them, and from the narrative of J, C. Fuller. Speaking of the keeper of the stock at Ashland he says: "I was satisfied, and only wanted to feel in my own hand the weight of a short handled but ponderous whip, which its possessor said was his ruling whip, but had been broken - and that it answered two purposes, that of a riding whip, and "occasionally to whip them off," alluding to the slaves." 5. Mr. Clay robs the chüdren of his slaves of their liberty while in their defenceless years. We think this is very mean. These slave children are born "equal" with those of Mr. Clay, and are "endowed by their Crea - tor with an inalienable right to liberty," of which Mr. Clay robs them. What shall we fliink of such an act? But he does more. He robs a free vxan of his children, and makes them slaves! The husband of Darkey is free, yet Mr.Clay holds four of his children as slaves by that exalted standard of rectitude he has himselflaid down, that "what the law declares to be property ís property."6. He Las traded considerably in slnves.- He has purchased in Maryland, and at Washington, and in Kentucky. The Intelligencer says he has "frequently turchased" - "never bought a slave who did not desire to come to hiña" - "never sold one without seriousfaults." The son-in-law of Mr. Clay, Mr. Envin, was formerly engaged extensively in the domestic slave trade. 7. Mr. Clay compels his slaves to work for him without giving t!iom any education. There is no school on the plantation, and shouldthey ever learn to read the Bible, it vvill not be through any assistance of their master. Mr. Clay's favorite man Charles, who is so noted for his natural parts, cannot tell A from B! So much greater is the ciime of robbing a noble mind of its appropriate food. 8. Mr. Clay holds fifty slaves, and has emnncipated five. Bit the Intelligencer, and the Tribune loo forget to add, that in the dfieds of emancipation of two of these, who are women, he expressly reserves his right of property in their children who were born previous to the execution of the deed and to their posterity, through all coming time. Quite a drawback on his benevolence, we think! Besides, one of these was emancipated because she had for many years nursed his children and grand children . Having compelled service through the best part of herdaye, he bestows on her the liberty of which he had so longrobbed hor oe a rcward for hor services! j alled gcnerosily! ■# ' 9. líe is a public deiender of perpetual slavery - opposed to 11 emanciparon, gradual or rn medíate, unlcss tlic überated persons shall be sent to África In his famous speech in Cohgress in 1830, he said: "Wherever it is safe and prac'icaMe, I dcsire to sre rvery poition of the human f'atnUy in iiic enjoyment of it [civil liberly] But I prefer thelibe.-ty ofmy own race to thot of any other race. The liberty of the deseen.' danta of Af rica in the United Slulcs in incompatjblk with the safciij and ïherty of the Europcan descradants. Tlieir slavery forms an exceptinn - ;;ii exceptipn resulfing from a stern and inexorable nocessity - to llie general liberty of the United States." 10. Wc know not why Mr. Ciay tnay not be called a good master. It is said and is doubtless true, that in cómparison with others, iiis slaves are well fed, and vvell clothed. But that is only sayins that he does not do them all the wroDg he might. The greatest wrong he can commit on a human being ia to doom Jiim and his posterity to slaveiy : this he does; and we are disposed to give hitn full crodit for not wronging his victirns s'Jll more. By the way, we are glad to find thnt o ld Darkey jiow Uves in a house with "a brick chimney and a shingled roof; for when Fuller was there he says of the same woman, "the hut in which this source of wealth lives is neithcr as good nor as well Jloored as my slahle" We suppose these ten specifications respecting "Mr. Clay and Slavery," wil] be denied by no one. And if they be truej is Mr. Clay just such a man as we should want for President of this great nation"? Would that sliort handled but ponderous whip" which ansvvers such a doublé purpose at Ashland, be a fitting ornament to hang in the halls of the White Hotise at Wushingten? Would it add any thing to oui hational Credit to have its manifold uses explained to strqngefs andjoreign ministers icho miglil visithis Excdltncy? The Tribune tacitly acknowledges that slavelioloing is an ojfence in Mr. Clay, and says gome will probably refuse to vote for hitn for President on íhis ''simple ground." We agree wilh the Tribune; and we bclieve that this 'ground,' in connection wilh some others respecting his moral character, of which we shall treat at a future day, will hold back many thousands from voting for him, who would otherwise give to him their undividcd support.