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The Third Party

The Third Party image
Parent Issue
Day
26
Month
September
Year
1842
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

In nolicing Mr. Slade's letter to Rlr. Town. send, on the question of third party organization, we took occasion to say, that the only ground which could be taken against ït [the letter,] was to deny the ulility of a tariff, anc go for one-sided free trade. The "Signal of Liberty," the organ of the party ia this state, takes occasion to say, that they take grounc against the letter, as it removes one effectual means of prosecating the anti-slavery cause. The question, then, between us on this point, is simply this: Is a third party organization the best means of advancing the anti-slavery cause? "Yes," says the Signal, and No, say we. Now, we confess, that we approach this subject with no little deference, nnd shall, therefore, strive to conduct our side of the question with the utmost candor und fairness, stating nothing but whut we feel is an argument,without any mystificalion or shunning of conclusions [1]. The third party organization is not the best means, bocause . 1. It does not unite axl the fnends of the slave. It of necessity shuts out those whose action is all important who reside in the slave states [2]. There the evil exists and is feit by many; and, if a scheme were entered upon, which would derive help frotn those means which they could extend to it, they would hcartily aid it forward. It is folly to ask them to assist in third party organizations, or to cali on them to flee their states, and possessions. However strong their ieelmgs may be for the slave, the hopelessness of a third party would prevent all action. And there are many strong anti-slavery men at the north, who have been and stil! are active in the cause of the slave, who believe it a political question, who make it euch under all suitable circumstances, yet who cannot unite with the third party organization [3.] Of this clasg are Giddings, Slade, Adams and tbousands of the rank and file of the Whig party. [t may be so of the other party, but with them we are not as familiar [4.] Now, a question of such importance as the final destruction of slavery in the U. States, one to which abolitioukts attach bucIi magnS 'ude, should be made entirely free, f they i esire it to succed, from all party influcnces L nd Beclional bias, nnd restiug on its own mets, it is Bure to prevalí. Uut it will ever , arry a party at the snerilice óf the other rreat interests of the couniry [5] . We all ïave our mcasures which require iminediutc ttention, nnd ifwe love our country and are atisfied in thosc nieasures, we will not barer them away for uncertointies. Is it likely liat we should thro.v them all away for one vhich does not advance them, but indirectly, 'at all [6]? Can we not easier persuade men o add to the objects of pursüit a greater than all, though rnore remotely to be effected, than ve can to leave everything for the one [7.]? n other words, can we, as whigs, renounce he queilion-s óf Prolection, a National Curency, &tc. &c., leaving the wholc country open to tart lier misery, to dive for a season ïnlo that ot 6lavery, where our success is )roblemaücal, tö say the least of it, aad where lolhing can be done on the other great qitestions f thcday. If we wish this cause (anti-slayery) to prosper, we must make it dis- tmet [8j. One only thing should be required --Opposition to Slavcry and Slave Power. Let him be a whig, or a democrat, a churchman, or an infidel, t should matter not, he ehould be admitted to the ranks, and swell the lide of public sentiment ngainst the hel" lish power of slavery [9] No body can legieiate down public opinio'i. Unconstitutional interferer.ee wlih and stoppage of mails cannot interrupt its progress. ' It will advance and spread and like the subtile and mighty gases of nature, ti!l, north and south, the oppressor falls, ond the iron arm of despoiism is broken. Organizations may be broken up; and party influences, party strifes, nnd party jealousies and corruptions coming into the cause may destroy it. Let it be put upon a surer basis. Thousands of men can be united easier on one idea than hundreds can on the same idea,when clothed with eubstances which do not necessarily belong to it. Increase your circumstantials and you lose strength in the nmterinl [10]. Minor matlers are those on which men most dispute, and those which lead to broadest distinctions and enmities. Let go, then, of this party, and hold up the main principie, if you would epeedily bow the nation to it [11.12. The formation of the third party forras but a common receptado forthe discontented office seekers of other parlies, whose ends and aims are seen to be so eelfish as lo great]y injure the cause of the slave. We will allow, if you picase, that a great mnjority of the third party are bnj. m6l) ön(j cnter u on the causnv,th the best of motives, vet it is plain that nuny of them are the disqúíeted of other partios; men, whoae selfconceit lead them to ask for office wliich they could not fill, till, by rcpeaied refusals, their spleen has run over, and they have deserted to the abolitionists. The Signal will not deny thero are many such men in lts party. .It can even sny to us that men will confees that they are opposed !o slavery for the sake of votes, and certainly it will not quarrel wilh us for taking the ground in accordance with the spirit of its ovvn remark, that soine men will be abolitionista for the sake of a lean distinction - a nomination tb office. To ihis charge they are open, and if we have not been misinformed, many good men, political abolitionists, have greally regretled their course in the third pariy organization, as it has already brought into the ranks so many mere party men, whose interest in the slave is nothing whatever, and whose objects were only those of personal ambition [121.3. It is a mrinner of eftecting the object, (supposing it capabletodo it,) which greatly jeopardizes the permanent welfare of the colored race. If their emancipation wére effected by it, euch are the prejudices between the two races, the dissimilanty of habits, and the feuds incident, to so extended and conflicting nterests, that this chango, being merely political, raight soon bo rcversed, or mooted for years, to the greatest possible disadvantapes to the colored people. Party quostions are nev er Bettlcd. One revolution followa another, and the party triumphing this yeai ia in the minority the next. Wül the nnti-slavery party be different from any other which the world has ever seen? Allowing it to triumph, will the work be accomplisehd? will opponents cease their efforts to effect a revolution? And may not an unhappy administraron of one terra lay the hopes of the race forever in the dust? Public sentiment alone permanently settles questions, party organizations never. Will we hazard the welfare of nearly three millions of our race on the throws of a party? Never, if we are vvise - never [18]. We will answer at another time the questions.of the Signal, as to te position of the Whig party on Ihis question. I. We reciprócate the fecling Iiere expressed, und have therefore copied the entire artiele into our paper, that our readers may have both sides of the quesiion. We are after the truth. If our mode of act ion is not the best, show us a Letter, and wc will adopt it.2. We cannot pcrccive very much forcc in this objection. Whcn discussed at all in a slave State, cmancipntion will be discussed as a political question: by political men - by those who have the power to act upon it definitely. The non-slavcholders fav outnumber the slaveholders, and their interests, social, pecuniary, and political are decidedly anti-slavery. The system highly oppresses thcm. and when they oppose it, it will be politically - by invoking legislntive action, and by endeavoiing to send men to tbc legislature who will favor their views.3. Thai all the sincere fnends oí the slavo havo not yet joined us, does not prove that they will nou Thousandaof ihem have reinained attached to their parties expecting they would do 8omclhing tbr the cause; but they have waited in vain, and il is vithin bounds to s;iy that thousands are now coming over to us. Indeed, they have reason for coming, when theïr own rights are openly invaded under a vvhig administratiort. 4. Mr; Giddings has givcn the best constitutional exposition of the principies of the Liberty party that has yet been published; and he was recently elected to Congress as the avowed champion of tlie principies he had before advanced; - Mr. Adanip is not, and never has been, an abolitionist, in the comnion acceptation of the word. At any rate we have his word for it. We are not aware that Adams, Giddings, Mattocks, Borden, or any other Congressional abolilionists, except Slade, are now opposcd to the Liberty perty. On the contiary, when a Spenker of the flousc was last elected. they set us an examplé of third party nominations. by vöting for Mr. Lawrence, of PennsyNnnia. The slavoholders hnd ind a Speaker tor 27 out of 30 years, and these gentlemen would not voie for another from that class. They werc right; and the same reasons which impelled them to a separate nomination for Speaker, iaipel us to niake independentlationp fbr other ofikers. Wliy did not thet i 3cattcr their votes upon tho othcr two partics? ] 5. Does the Libeny party require the sacrifice ] of any of the great interests of the country7 Ií , so, of which? Lot us know. G. Do tot proposc throwing them away? - Whcre is the evidence of ilï 7. Do icc propoec "o leave evcry thing?" - Whore have we advocated any such thing? 8. Exacly so. That is our doctrine. 9. Truc again. The Liberty party admits "VVhige and Democrats, churchmen and infidels," and all who will unitc with usin "Opposition to Slavery and the Slave Power." 10. Very truc. Therofore it is that we hold up one "main principie," leaving the others to oc cupy that space to which their magitude entitles them. 11. We hold up this main principie by means of the Libeity party as worthy of being sustained by argurnents and votes. Without nn organizaron, it would be lost sight of amid the confusión of "minor marter;" Mr. Sinionds herc argües our sideof the question admirably. 12. This olvpction was bruughi against tho formationof a Liberty party before it was organized: but we do notfind that it has yetpractically mucli force. That in all largo bodies, whethcr political. or ecclcsiastical, theie will be somebulent, unprinciplrd, ambitious spirits, we know, for such is human nature: but these characteristics have not yet been developed ainong us. The Statesman concedes that "the great majority of the tbird party are honest men, with the best of motives;" but contends tb e re are many, who from pure spleen nnd disappointment have desened to us. We do not know of a single individual of that characïer. Thcre may be such; but in our acquaintance. and that is somewhat extensive. we know of nono. We cnnnot but think the Editor of the Statesman bas been led, perhaps from sonie indiviaual case, or some local circumstances unknown to us, to atmbute too much weight to this plausible objection. We believe a closer acqaaintance wiih the excellent and noblehcnrted men who composo the Liberty party, would lend to modify his opinión. Wliatever force the objection may nave in future, it is enti t!ed to none note. We have no offices to bestovv and a nomination only is such u vcry "lenn distinction" that he mustbe weak indeed who could a captlvatcd by t. Mr. Tnyior, in his Senatorial Address, fiings it at us that we shall not elcct a single candida te this yenr. Ouglit wc then wilh so poor a prospect beforc us, to be stigmatized as ambitions office scekers? 13. This is a singular objection to proceed rom the advocate of a political party. Let his doctrine ho app'icd to his own party. The Statesman will admit that in our country are nearly or quite ;hrcc mil'.lons ofpeople, whose intere8ts are materially aflected by a protective tatiff. Whig lcgislation in favor of euch a tarifT will greatly promote their happmesa and welfare whüe Democratie legiölation föi very low dutie or Free Trade would greatly distress or rui them. Ilere, then, is the welfare of three mili ions of our race hazarded on party legislation. -The principie of tho Statesman, applied to thl case, wil! read like thib": A protective tarií ought not to bc pnssed. because "this change be ing mercly political, might soon be revcraed, o mooted for years, to the greatest possible Jisad vantages to those who need protection. Part questions are never settled. One revolution fol lows another, and the party triuinphing this yen is in the minority ihe next, Allowing the wlii party to triumnh, will the work be accomplished' Will opponents cease their efibrts to effect a rev olution? And may notan unhappy administra tion of one term lay the hopes of those who net the protection of n ttirifffurever in the dust? Pub lic sentiment aloae permanently eettles question - party organizations never. Will we I.nzard th welfare ofthree millionsof ourrace on the throwof a pa rty? Ncver - f toe are ui e - nerer. Now the truth is, that ihe welfare of men in a civilized countries is greatly dependent on legisla tion, and legislation wi!l flactuate on all question on which the community aro nearly equally divi ded. When public sentiment becornes establis! ed on any point. legislation is sure to follow. am bceonie permanent. In proof of th-s, we niigh mention the abolition of imprisonment for deb the extensión of universal siiflrage, and the pro hibition of iotteries. Public sentiment is nothin more than the expressedopinioos of the pejson composing a community. ít has a perpetual ten deney towards stability and fixedness. A ma who has never thought of a complicated question like that jf a national bank for instance, is poor ly qualifiud to decide at once on its mcrits. Bu afier hearing its qualitics discussed, and reflect ing on the arguments adduced, he will have a opinión of its character, whether he wishes to o not. After being informed on a subject, an opin ion in his own mind is unavoidable, and tha opinión will be atable and unchanging, just i proportion to the weight of evidence adduced, anc its clear comprehension by llie mind. It woult be impussible now to restore the system of im prisonment for debt, or to restrict the rightof sul fragc to every twentieth man. Why? Becaus public opinión has set ita irresistible veto upon those things.Just so it is in relation to slavery. There i reason to believe the Liberty party will keep pac wlth public opinión, and, indeed, will bean index as it is a result of it. lt will grow with it growth.and strengthen with its streneth; & when legislation follows, we apprthend that a publi opinión, f'ormed Trom an extensivo knowledge o facts, ihoroughly discussed for many years, wil be ready to sanction and sustain just and equa laws lor all our populalion, and render their de cision irrevocable. Wc hope the Editor of the Statesman will continue bis discussion of this subject, which he has commcnced with candor and ability, and not forget, thnt by its terms, as stated by hiniaelf, bc must riot only show that political organization is not the best means ofadvancing our cause, but must also poim out a more eligible method.

Article

Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News