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The Whigs And Liberty Party

The Whigs And Liberty Party image The Whigs And Liberty Party image
Parent Issue
Day
29
Month
May
Year
1843
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

Sik: I observed in the Signal of Liberty, of the 8tli of May, nn extract from your paper, ! with ajcomipentary of the editor thereunon, relating Lo the infiuence of that print lipon the politics of t!ie Stnte. As this is n matter of nwcli importance in ils hearings, will yovi allow me a corner for the expression of tny views on the same theme, for it is right, that whalever these hearings may bf, thr hoit st enqnircrs arter trulh hould liilly understand them. I ha veno doubt there are many excellent menin thecomninnity,who lieartily sustain the canse of political abolitionism, with the prepesterous convict-on that it will ullimately be a prevailinnr''pariy in ourS lalo,who,if they were vvell advised of the unavoidnble ccnscqnence of the continuance nnd parïial success of that party, would resist its farther provalence with all their might, There are some of the more knowing ones, no doubt, who are well persua ded that the separate orginization of that paríy has had, will have, and can have, no effect but to confiïm the supremacy of Locofocoisrn. Before I proceed faither, allovv me to draw a distinction which sernis to have escaped the notice of llie editor. The party spoken of in the extract fi om yonr paper, was the "Locofoco party." The editor adorhly substitutos another and leaves il for the "democratiety," to defcnd thcir principies from (lie charge of "inherent corupfion.'' Is the editor aware of the distinction bet ween these appellatives? (1) Does lie nol know that in New Ilurnpchirc, New York, Pennsylvaflin and some other state?, the two classes have broken out into open war? Dees he not know that one class comprises the "barn-barners"' and "subterraneans' of New Vork, tho legil;itive pugillisfs and di licites of Penn.,the treasonable Dorrites of Rhoda Island, et id omc genus, in other States, not omitling the nbettors of fornication and ailultery hen;; wliile the democratie party nuinbers multitudes of honorable and upright men, who abhor the lcgiMinate frtiits of Lucofocoism as heartily as any whig? If he does not, he is lar behind ihe intelligence of the agc. Bat let {lint pass. He asserts that the imput.ilion upon him, of laboring to secure the supremacy of Locofocoism, and of glorying in the election of sucli men to office, "is untrue iu all its aspects' This Sta'e. as well as tho whole union, is divided into two politicnl parties: all experience, as well as sound philosophy, teacli.'that more than wo snch cannot, for any length of time, subsisl together, in the same cominunity. (2.) The two great political divisions now existing, are the Locofoco on one side, and the Whig on the othor. ín the stales of N. II., N. Y. and Penn., a portion of the Locofoco party, properly the "democratie'' ponion, have fallen off, and commenced lioslilities against the more vile of their party associates. The first result of this rnovement will be weakness, and unless the factions coalesce, defeaf, in their streng holde. In a few of the northern states a defec'ion has taken place, from the whigs, in form of abolitiouipin. In this state llüs party,after labors which have no parallel (3.) in our politica! history, for f or 8 yenr?, now numbers about 2000 voterp.all told, out of 50,000. (4.) Of these 2000, so far as I am able to juilge from a prettytensive acquaintance, nine-tenths of the rank ind file are drawn fmm the Whig pnrty. (5.) At the great trial of strength in IC 10, the uhig mnjority in iho staie vvns about 1800. Now the most obUise intellect can see that if 1000 votes be taken from the whig and placed in the Locofoco ranks, Ihey carry the mnjority with them. It is equally obvious, thatifa Locofoco cha mpion, despairing of success in the absurd 'effirt to transform wliigs to Lootbco", should become a brawling leader of a new party, and under the disguise ofsome specious name, inveigle 200o whiirs into a snare thus laid for them, and induce ihem to throw awny tlieir votes upon a man of straw, the sesalt would be the same; defeat to the whigs, victory to the Locofoco party. (6.J Now I assume that the editor of the Signal is a man of considerable sagacity. He knows then, as well as he can knmv, that there is not the remotest prospect of the religio-polilicnl party (7.) of abolitionists, ns now organized, ever obtaining the nscendency in this state. (8.) He lias stated in his owd paper, ([ quote the statement from niemory only,) that he has no expectation of deriving any considerable niel from the Locofoco party. He therefore must know, that the only available effect of his labor?, is to weaken the whig party, and thereby secure the continued ascendency of Locofocoiem in its worst form. 'Divide and conquer," has become a trite watch-wörd among politicianc,but true as it is trite, and judging from the ill-disguised exultations ot the edifor of the Signal, too often reptated to be denied or evaded, at the buccese of aboütiomsm, in seenring victory to the Locofocos, I could almost concludc - and nothing but rsspect for his charncter for sincerity rebuta the conclusión, that he advocates abolilionism only that'he tóoy " divide' and thus "conquer" the whig party. I arn perfectly astonished that the editor of that paper should deny the imputation, that he glories in the election of Locofoco3 to office, l have not a file of his paper before me, but l have read many of them within the last six months, and if he has not gloried in the success of that party, then I do not know the use or ineaning of language. 1 have on soveral occasions tliought his terms of exullation more otfensive than those of the sucecssful party [jrcüB. Let im look over tlie pastniunbers and coolly weigh his own lunguage, and see whelhvr he can honeslly tlcny thnt lic lias gloned :n ihcir success. This much for the Signa 1. (9.) Witli your leave, I will add a few more general romarks. Il is svell kiïown that at the last state I tion in Massachu?etts,a large ïuniber of tors failed of an clection, whereby it devolved on the ll.inse of Representatvyes lo lili the vacancie.-; upon the men to fill tliosc vacancies depended the e'ection of Governor, and the politica! complexión of the Legislature. It so happened that in a house con?isting of S50 metnhers, the aboliüonists had elected five. - The two partins were so cqually balancee], that neither could carry nny ïneasure without the' 'dof thrse few abblitionistB. With that liberaliiy whicli has ever marked the whigF, they nom'.nated one of the five for speaker, ;ind theroby secured his election. Wliat return did the abolitionists make? Wn', they fillf d every vacancy with a Locofoco, where the laws perniitted, ftO) gave thal party a majority of both house., nnd tlnis elected the Locofoco Governor, and threw the whole political power into Locoloco hands, and the more effecUialIy to prove their allegiance to that pirtv,tliey denounced the excellent speaker,Mr. King, because he accepted office of the whigs! (il.; Turn wc lio„w to Oliio: In tliis state, the balance of power was in tho few abolitionicts; they could decide between Corwin for Governor and Ewing United States Senator, both in a high degree friendly to the elave(!2;, on ! one siJe, and Shan:ion and AJlen, Mie bitterest foes of anli-slavery on the other. They elected the Iast(l3;; aml it is uotimprobable that the vote of Alien, elevated the U. S. Senate by the mistipplication of abolilion votes, msy decide the qnestion, that Texas shall be joined to this Union A more slriking instance of the Locoibco tendency of thal party is exhibitcd in the recent election in Connecticut. Here the litionists, with but 2000 votes, out of 50 or 60,000 in the state,have gjféta that pnrly threef not four members of Congress. But the case of the Governor is one which must be either explained or fix a character for dopl.city upon the party which will rerjuire a Jong time to eiFice. All will remcmber that when the j poor, friendless, forlorn and wrelched crew of the Amistad were cast upon our shorc?, a gentleman of the Connecticulhar caine spoiitaneously forward to thnr aid and rescue; that hedevoted his great talents,witi) unwearing assidnity to their liberation, for muntlis muil, mainly throngh his untiring zoal and perseverance, lie succeeded in wresting the prisoners from the grasp of their opprcsors and restoring them to that libeity for which they had hazarded all. That man was Rogrr S. Baldwin, and what ttbolitionist in the United States was not then lond i n his praise, ardent in his stipporl? A few weeks since this : same Roger S. Baldwin was one of the candidates for Governor of Connecticut, and who doubtti that the whole abolition party arose in j their might to prove their fuith by their works, in plocing so benevolent, so able, so fearless a champion of liberty in the cliair of state! - Who doubts that this whole class carne forth i as one man to do honor lo the crnshed and brnised and downlro.ïden negros friendü- Alas that 1 should have to tellit! the ! tionists in abody voted against R. S. Baldwin (li).lhcy defe ated his election, gave a I ty of Locofocos to the Legislature, and ihns will place Governor Cleavland ii: the chair to which they could have elecied hun. And why was this? Was Mr. Baldwin unfit for i the office, was he not honest, capable ond faithful to the Constitution? Aye, he possessed these qualifications pre-eininently, but lie liad not learned to ntter the shibboleth of abolitionUm, with the tiue orthodox accent. He could labor for the oppressed, spend and be spent for the slave, open his heart and his purr-e, for their liberation, do more for the cause of genuine pliilanthrophy than all the abolitionists in Connecticut put togethcr - but - he is a Whig - and for this worthy cause, the boasted friends of the negro must needs stab him! (15.) It is not long since I saw an article in some abolition paper,denouncing Adams fc Giddings and Slade and Gates, and why? Why, simplv because tliey are men of like qualities;nnd while,hke all northern whigs,tbey abhor slavery, (16.) they cannot limit llie rage of their inteüccts lo one idea. Our government isa republic. In all public transactionsjthc assent of a mnjority of the legal voters must be had to every successful measure. These legal voters are composed of men of all shades of opinión, from the very best to the very wornt. Now as the less virfuous half may be presumed to have theii principies hang loosely upon them, and as they know that they can, none of them, enjoy the snoils without a unión of strength, it will always follow that they wül combine to form a great party out of such material?. The more virtuous portion must also agree to combine upon principies mutually acceptable, or they can never pievail. The platform upon which they can unile must be a liberal one; Tor if a party insist upon extremes, the other extreme will not coa lesee. We accordingly i ünd that many members of every poütical party have much to concede to the opinions and prejudices of others. Suppose the Methodist?, verily believing that our government should oe purely a chri.sli:in commonwealth, and that i it is a pin lo vote for any but a christianj should form a separate pohtical party, and rofuse to support any but a Methodist; and the Episcopaüans nnd Presbyterians and the Iiptists should ench form a hkc party, vvith likc I exclusive dogmas; would not such a policynccessarily nimiliiluto the direct inüucnces of clirisiianiiy in rur go. eminent? ThosC'bf no religión would alwaya comüiand a fiiñjority over Ihcse broken framëhts mul always liold 'he power. Oir govcnuuenr is allpgej,her one of conces-siiin ami cotnpromisej anti he whcT" wil! set np bis owi) standard- yiel "ing noüiincr to .'he opinions - prejiidicës if yoii wil!, of his ftllows, wil] have lo boar that standard alone. The gróund of the al)o!iluiiist$ as dow ' protVssed, s too narrow Pur any party to stand npon. (17.) It oxcludes at once every man living South of Mason and Dixon's line; i (IC.) it excludes the whole of one great plitical party and nearly the whole of the oiher. It tinkers lip a bed of Procrnstcs, of the vcry sliortest aml narrovvest pittern, lays cv%ry novice upon it and befóre his iaitlation ,strelches himoiit, or cuts him down to these shrivelled and unmanly pro)ortions. A part)' so limited ín its views, so bigotcd in its dogma?, so hopeless in its pro=pects, can nover succeed; it niay as in the cases before cited, as nn auxiliary to Locofpcoisni, bc strong to do ' evil; hut under all circumstances, il must be impotent to do good. Compare the success of abolitionifin with that of ant maf om y. Tlie first effort. made by the anti rnaeons in New Vork was in li?28, In that year they polled dd,S4.r) votes. In 13-29 they polled 64209 votos, clected many members of acsembly, and on? senator by 8000 majority. In 1830 they polled about 100,000 votes. It is now seven or cight years sini-e the abolition .artv cominenced ks organization 'n New York (19.); Mid nöparVtPans ever labored liardcr for the spoils than they iiu'3 for vifltoryi and to this day they have never electcd a senator, nor a mem ber of assembly, nor a member pfCongreee - btit they have elpctcd a supervisor in Peler boro! the residence of Gerril Smith!PIULO. NOT ES. 1. We dislike 1 he uso of slmig words to desígnate a party. We recognize the right of uny body of men to select tbeir own appellative. "Democratie"' is llie designation oí a vvliüle party, cliof-eu by tiiemselves. Tliat their democracy, to a great extent, is praciically inoperative or spurious, doos not atleet tlicir right to the name. We have nlwnys avoideil the use of the lorms ''Loco Foco,' and "Federalist,' or "Bank Aristocrate" because tlicy prove nothïng, and arn calculated to irritaie. We leaye the line oj'them to those vvhonny.be unable to complete iheir argument without a resort to ilie ncver failing resource of bluclcguard - caMing opprobriou.s pamés. L. We l'ully agree with the wrilcr. All history, as well as sound philosopliy, teoch, that more than two great politicul partios can not subsist togetber, in the same commoiiity, for nny lenglh of linie. It is of interest, then, :o kñou what experience reaches rèspéCting tlie changes and dissolutioh of politicul parties. Do we learn from history that each must have the sanie name, and advocate tho same object, throngh a series of generations? On the contrary, do wc not find that the objeels and measures of national parties, and even tboir tuimss, ore perpetually changing, as new subjects of interest come up before the people, or as the old objects are attained, or are found nnattainablo. Changos, secessions, dissolulions, nm1 recombinations frequent ly tako place in pohtical bodies, accoiding to the varying exigeucies of the times. In olit ical inalteis, ihe iniud acls. Everv mind changes continually in iis character according to the objects with which it is conversant. It may change iri Us moral viows, in ts" intellectaal ottainmeuts, in itsacufenefs of feeling. A paity is composed of many minds, agreeing to act together politically to accomplish particular objectá. A change of any kind pervading Ihe individual minds composing a party, wil! cause a corresponding change in the views and measures of the whole body. Sometimeg a parly lakes up objects entirely ne-v. Thus a portion of the Whig press are trying to induce the Whig party to make an issue on the assumption of the State Debts by the national governinent. Should this be adopted as a Whig measure, the party may etill remain nominally, the Whig party, but one of it leadiug objects wül be tolally different from any ever before entertained. - "Philo" has himself adduced instance.s of divisions of paities upon moral subjects. He refers to the hostilities which have been commenced by the more virtuous part if the Dem! ocratic party upon the barn-burnerr, pugillists, dirkiíes,?ic. and argües the defeat of the pnrty from its división. lie has also referred to the separation of the Abolitionists o.lnefly from the Whigs, and lie might with equal truth, have pr edict ed permanent defeal to thern from this source. Thus parties not only change thcir leading objects, but we see from his own showing, that secessions and divisions are tuking place continually in them. What marvel, then, wonld it be, if a large portion of tlie Northern Whigs, who, he says, "all abhor slaven ," should oppose this great national curse by political action - the appropiiatc remedy for pohticai evils? That this action, if wi.-ely and steadily persevored in, will be finally successful, we argue from the nature of our institutions, and the history of other political questions. In our country, the legal volers mny be considered as an immense jury, in which the mnjority bring in the verdict. The poht ica! parties are the counsel, who present the ense tn the jury,while the minor processes are set in order by politicians nnd cditors. From the decisión of this jury thore is no appeal. - Being verv numcrous, they are slow in rendcring a verdict, except in ca6CS wbcre thcir fcelings beeoine cxcilcd, when they Uring inwil hout .luc cotaidérnl ion. Bul in evcry such caso, a re hearing Ims heen grnntcd, und the , final decisión has been sust;iined by an ; wliclmmg niajonty. To npply llie cose j IjcuHy. Mr. Wiiig, liaving pirpured tlie case 'tiionuijrlily lliroiigh liis editors and lu'.vocates, urged '. h is jury to bring in in favor of a Taiiflf, wlüle Mr. Domorrat opposed. Having heard botli s'.des, the jury bronglit in for a Tariff. altliough disugreeing on eome of is provis - ons. A Turift vvill thore'brc stand, subject to nltorations. A General fíankrupt Law was i nigued before the j iry. Il was carried tlirough by Ihc inlhience of a part of ihe jury vvho were interested ín it; bnt was lost upon subseq'icnl rc-con.-i!eration. lts f te is now de' cidcd for at least a genëratinn . The necessity ! of rstabiïshing a National Bank was ably urged ! befure this jury for a long time. When the votes wcre all counted, the case was lost. - An attompï was made to set nside the verdict by throwing iñ for an Exchequer, bnt the motion was not entertiiined. Eycry sensible man , knóws, that, for the present at least, a NationI al Buik is out of Ihe qucsiion. It is with I this greatjury ns with smaller ones, wlicn a cause has once been jullij hcanl, the minds of ihe jurors bccomo established, and further orguinent is nll lost. We aclduce these as insl anees of that succession of important causes which are continuaüy passing ín review before this greal tribunal, :ind which are th ere irrevocably determined. Mr. Whig and Mr. Domocrat have hitherto monopoüzed the whöie time of the jury with their pleas. The grent canse of "Tuk Fkojx B versus The Slavb Powrü" is soon coming up for ndjudicalion. Mr. Liberty is counsel in behalf of the Pcople. Tlie importa nee and magnitude of the cause are ncknowledgol universa lly, vvhile tlie youth and inexperience tuf the counsel are derided ai d sneered at by Ihe older practitioners. Mr. Liberty, however, cares not for that, provided his cause can be fairly and fully subtnittèd to the jury; for he belcvos with Mr. Van Buren, ihat "their sober secondthought is al1 vaya efficiënt anti eeldom wrong." The opposjng counsel in this case is Mr. j ocrat. Mr. Whig bas been proflering hi services 10 the plahitifF for somo time, bul it was found ihat inktend of Wging the ense to ari issue, he would move its continuancc from ycar to )'ear, thus playin inlo the hand of tlie defendant, with wliom he was on tbc most intímate terms. It is also tcnown that he was bnbrd to delay the cnuse by various presents anhually givcn by the céfffidatU to screen him frnm justice. But the cause now in the hands of nn advocate who will presa it to n speedy nftd iinal consum nation. 3. We were not aware that tlie labors of the Librrly party, in this S:atp, were without "parallel." We tbought that but little had been i!one. 4 It is not qtiite three year?, sime the Libr-rty orghnizaïion commenced. Yon must have knówn that. Then tt hy pervert the truth? 5. Our acquaintance is "prelty extensive," and wcaresntisficd that scarccl three fburths are from the Whigs. e. Does tbc water mean to insinúate, in this ambigiious way, what he is afraid openly Io assert, tirat we are a "brawling" 'Locofoco champion' ? Why not be man enough to affirm it without disgtuse? 7. Religifcpúiilicáí ' .'! U ihis meant frr a sneer upon Liberty men, bccause they hold their duty to God and to the cause of juslice to be superior to all party considerations? If so, we plead guilty to the charge. We do hold that men are not absolved from their moral obligaüons by joining a political party, but that every man is bound to use his politica! influt-nee for the promotion of all the best ntérests of men. And for this sentimenl, the most prominent Whig gentleman of Western Michigan sneers at us for being a feligiovs party! It would seem from this expression, that he would diícard all sense of moral or religious obligation from the minds of voters, anc1 have them pnrsue their political course irrespective of the injunctions of the great Creator, the same as they would do if Ihere were no God in the Universe. This doctrine well befirs the Hard Cider reveis of 1840, and the whole course of the party. It is perfcctly ïn charac'er that those who are practical Atheists in political affair?, sbould sneer at those who hold, wi'.h the Falhers of the Rovolution, that there is a. "Supreme Ruler of the Universe," whofe will we are bouiid to fulfil, in our political as vt;ll as social relations. 8. We know, ns well as we cm know any thing Ihat hes in the futuro, that there is every . reasonable prospect that the Liberty party, as now organized, vvill obtain the ascendency in this State. We know of only one thing which will prevent it. Should the ineasures we have ia view be fully carried out by the other partios, the Liberty orgnnization in all the Free Stal es, would die in six months. - We are satisiied that the favorable anti-slavery action of the Legislature of Massachusetts at its late session will operóte to retard the growth of thu Liberty party. There ure indications ihat some of the leaders of both parlies iutend to play this game with u;, receding from their pro-slavery ground as fast ; ap we advance towards it, and thus, instcad , of risking a bat. le in defence of tlavery, they will retreat from one position to another, , doning each as fast as it becomns untenable. , In this way the numbers and spirit of the Liberty party can be kept down, while their work t will be sleadily accümplished by their polilical t enemies. Unless this course be adopted, i which we do not now ontffipttte, we are fully t confident that the Liberty purty vvill ultímately have the ascondency in this and in alf the t Frec Status. Í ü. The n&surance of ttiis writcr is vcry t piiöing. Ho said m the Ötuicbinan, uf the iEditor of the Signnl, that "no powoi') in the wide world had labored more zealously, not 10 ►;iy effectivehj, to secure; the supremacy of Locolbcoism tlian lie had." We denied th;s n cvcry view of the case, nnd called upon him, as a pcntlcman, to provo his assertion, (ir retract it. IJow doe he reply to this? Why, he s "perfeclly astonishd" thal vo shotild deny his charge, nnd being unable to find a singlo specificatibn in our paper, he very coolly invites vs to read over our papers for proof of a position wJiich he cannot establish, nfier hoving read tiicm attentiyely six months, through bis Whig ppectaole.s! We cannot let him ofF in this way, ingenious thoiigh it be. Every honorable man ia bound to sustain Iiis nllegations ngainst the characler of a nol her, or to ncknowledge lic was in error. He who refuses to do one or the otlier of these, when called upon, juslly forfeits the respect and confidence of community, and is very properly regarded as a libeler. We tlte.efore think, that, upon refleclion. hc will feel the propriety of making an honorable retraetion, or will put his finger upon thosn idéntica I instnnees wherein we have "laborea lo secure the svpreinacy of the fjocojocos.'1 10. Where is the prooi" that the five Liberty members voted to fill evcry vacancy in the Srnti'.e with a Locofoco? One, at least, o! the vocancies was filled by Appleton Ilowe, n l'Al erty man. Bnt supposing1 they voted to fill Ihevacnnciès with Demacra ts nsteadof Whig8. wiiat. then? What impardonablc sin was t hall The Legislature of Massnchu.etts, Locofocc as il was, passed Fome anij-sïavery acts which the Whig Legislatura had refused to pass for eiht or ten years. 1 1. M King was not a Liberty man, not was he electcd as sneh. This filters the whole story. He was a Whig Aholilionist, but actf with the Whig party. He was announced in the Whig papers asa WhJig Speaker. 12. In what way have Corwin and Ewinn shown themselves "highly friendly to the slaveï" Let us have eomething beside mere fissertioruL Corwin and Ew ing were identified with the election of Clay and perprtux sla very. IS. What a perversión of lnnguage is this, The Liberly nif n no more "dcclca"' Allen and Shannon than the Whigs dil. They nobly suppofted gond rnon of tlieir own numher, rcjec:ing pro-slavery politicians ofboih partiea. The Whi p, luiving lost the eleclion, f-eek to lay I he ronseqiiein es oh Liberty men 1 . The Libcity men no more voted [againtt1 Baldwin than they did ugainst Cleveland. - They voted for tlieir own candidato?, all first rale men; and liad the whigs been wiscenough to have done the same, they would have pre vented the election of a Locofuco Governor, Lieut. Guvcriior, Sccretary, thren nien-bera of Congress, Sec. As it is, they may Lhank tlieir own nbstinacy r the result. This writer seems to suj)pose that Aboüiionits are all bom int o the world under tremendo'.is -md indissohiWe obligations tu vote the VVhig ticket! 15. We have a grievois charge ngains'. the Whig-s to oiTet here. Fkancis Gimrtte, a wljolc-souled advocate of cqual rights, was put in nomination. and - alas! that we should have it to teil - Rogor S. Baldwin, and all the "boashd'' Witir; frit-nds of the negro must ncals slab him.'" bkcausE UK was a Liiskktv man!! Such was whig consi?tency! 10. How do " Northern Whigs" show their "dbhorrence'" oC sla very - by succumbing lo slave-holder.-', ond advocating an invetérate broeder for the Presidencv? 17. II' we look at the manner in which tho Whigs succeed wi'h their broad platform, wc shall find Iitlle encourogement to widen ours. 13. Not nccesarily. According to t!io census, the number of whi'.e mules over u20 years of age in the Slave States & Territorios is l,ölG.3O7, wliile the number of slaveholders is about 200,000, tlnis shovving the Noní-]ave-ho!ders arethree times the most numerou?. 0.?= TJjeré is not a State or Terntory in the Union, in which there is not an overivhelming ir.ajority of Non-Slnveholders. " Wliat binders that these, when pror' lightened, .should not bccome Lib' 19. Only three years since the first Libei nominaüons were made. Why pervert tho trnth? Now that we are throngh with these notes, ivc will close with one or two remarks. Supposing all thenllogations made by Philo to be grautfcd - suppose it certain that we never can succeed as a poliiical party, what Ihen? What would he have us do? The nlm of his advice is, that since we can do lothing separately. we ouglit to join tire Whigs and elect llenry Clay, and our anti slavery tnumph will be consummate 1. He would have us join a party that, during the Lwo yeois of its ascendency, has been able to carry out only a single measure of its policy- - i Turifif- nnd that was accomplished only Lhiough the aid of its political adversarles; A party that has been disgraced by a Conü[ress which, in the language of the N. Y. Courier, a leading Whig paper, "is the least jntitled to respect of any ihot ever assembled mder the Conslitutionr' and whose "leading raits. taking them as a body, are vulgarity, clfishness, and a disgraceful inconsistency;" A party that as a whole, has ever displayed inceasing hostility to every kind of anti-slavey act ion; A party that was twelve yoars in obtaining he ascendency, and only siicceeded then by he mere hue and cry of Hard Cider excitenent, and lost that ascendency in a majority of he States in a year; A party ihat is simk into a uniform minnriy in most uf the State?, and which can havo io hope of national euccess except through he división of ilsenemics; A party thal, in our own State, eneeití at

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Signal of Liberty
Old News