"The One Idea Principle."

Last week we dcfined what is meant by a one idea man, in the sense in which the phrase is connmonly used. He is one who makes his actions and pursuits subservient to the attainment of some particular object. We showed that this trait of character, whether developed in private individuals, in distinguished men of every profession, in the action of popular masses. both civil and military, and in the powerful influence exerted by volnntary associations, was one main requisite of success, and wasan element, not of vveakness of characteror eífort, but of strength. Let us consider the application of this principie to the action of political parties. In the first place, it is obvious that a multiplication of the essential articles of a political creed, tends to increase the difficulties in the way of obtaining adherents to the party. If you have but one fundamental nndparamount object to your party, a very large number may be found who will assent to it as founded in truth, and as a proper object of political action. They may estímate its impórtanos variously, some considering it the most momentous in the nation, while others, who admit its propriety abstractly, will be but little interested in the efforts for its advancement and will rather assent to its truth, than labor for its propagation. - Still a large portion of community may be friendly to this political object, whilo the efForts put forth for its supremacy wil] be marked by all gradations of zeal, from ardent devotion to cold good wishes. For example,suppose the one fundamental idea of the Liberty party to be the overthrow of the Slave Power. On this one object, persons who differ widely on every other subject, may cordially unite. Bank and Anti-Bank men, Sub-Treasury and Exchequer men, Tariffites and Free Traders, Land Distributionists and Internal Improvement men, Fourierists and Associationists - Alheists, Infidels, Sceptics, Ciitholics, Universalists, Calvinists, Arminians, Quakers, Mormons - in a word, men of every creed, profession and trade, who love Liberty and abhor Slavery, can consistently unite their political power for the overthrow of oppression & wrong. All that is required of each, is to act politically against Slavery. Apart from this, each can enjoy and advocate his peculiar tenets, undisturbed by collisions with his political coadjutors. Such is the result actually taking place. No testbeing required but a unión of political strength against Slavery, we find that all these classes of men are joining themselves to the National Association now organizing for the extinction of Slavery. This singleness of purpose we consider to be of material advantage to the Liberty party. To test it, let_ us suppose that this party had Itco great ideas of equal importance - the abolition of Slavery, and a National Bank. No person could then belong to the party unless he was for both these measures. He must subscribe to two articles instead of one. The consequence would be, that not a single AntiBank man could be admitted to the Liberty party; and thus we should exclude one half of community at once. Again. suppose a High Tariff to be a third coequal article in the new creed. It is plain that here would be a new ground of división and exclusión. And thus the more the main principies of the party were multiplied, the fewer adherents could it have. Secondly, a multiplication of political objects would not only diminish friends, but would multiply enemies. Should the Liberty party take ground for a High Tariff, the Low Tariff and Free Trademen would oppose it expressly on that account, when they migbt, perhaps, be inclined to support it on account of its anti-slavery character. So if the Liberty party should adopt Free Trade principies; or go for a Bankrupt law, they must expect the enemies of these schemes will become its political opponents. This result is unavoidable. By uniting the friends of these measures with us, we might, indeed, swell the number of adherents of the Liberty party, but in the same proportion we must augment the number and zeal of its enemies. Thirdly, a multiplication óf party principies tends to disunion and distraction. Suppose the Abolitionists to go to the Bank men, and say, ''Gentlemen, we wish you to join us in establishing a political party. Help us, and we will help you. The Abolition of Slavery, and a National Bank shall be our joint objects." This being agreed to, they apply to the Free Traders to come in as third partners in the company. In this way the party might be augmentedindefinitely. Now it is obvious that a partj' formed in this way has not a single principie of vitality in it. It has no soul - no leading predominant object. It is a mere confederacy of political allies for the overthrow of an antagonist. It is an alliances not a unión. - While the several allies can do better for their several purposes together than they can separately they will adhere, but each will stand ready to leaye the confederacy when its object can be accomplished in some other way. Besides, in all alliances, the interests of the parties often conflict, endlessjealousies arise, and successis retaz-ded or prevented. The Whigs organizedthe campaign of 1840 on this plan. Their watchword was opposition to the Administration. All the elements of opposition we re united for that purpose, and we re successful, but were, to a great degree, powerless for accomplishing any permanent or use ful reforms. On the othcr hand, to endeavor to confine the rninds of men exclusively to one political object, however important, and to say that all others are of no eonsequence, and undeserving of attention, ís to take groun.d against common sense, and the general feeling of community. Evcry patriot is sensible that there are many objects of importance to his country, each of which is tq be sought according to its value. First among these stands the Pkrsoxal Liberty of his country men: but it does not therefore follow that equal political rights, the simple administration of justice. the security of property, and the economcial colleclion and expcnditure of the public revenues should be overlooked. The Liberty party, therefore, advocates neithcr extreme, but takes the ground of good scnse and patriotism. While it asserts the supremacy of Personal Liberty and Equal Rights as paramount objects of attention, it does not neglect nor throw contempt on "the other great interests." It says to the citizens of all parties: "Here is a fundamental object - the overthrow of tbr power of the 250,000 slaveholders who tyrannize over this nation- In this yon can all unite. Without this, your pians cnnot be permanently carrjed out. without an al ject submission of all your rights to the caprice of these slaveholders. Our success is an indispensable pre-reqnisite to yours. Wc are not, as a party, enemies to jour plans of reform, but we ask you to take hold with us at this one rope where we can all pull together, and this grand obstacle to national prosperity being removed, the relative importance of your several planscan be determined by the voice of the peapie." This course, we think,is not only agreeable to the dictates of good sense, but will prove eminently successful. We believe the people of all parties, will take hold of this one rope, and pull with us. We need not quarrel among ourselves because we disagree on some things, but rather let us encourage each other in the one jthing in which we do agree, and thus hasten the day of our triumph. We have thus considered at length the nature and effects of this One Idea principie, because it is a common objection to the Liberty party that it is founded on too narrow a basis for the superstructure which is to be reared upon it. We, however, have come to a very different conclusión. We have seen that common observation, the lessons of history, and the most careful inductions from the nature of the circumstances, all confirm the wisdom of that policy upon which the Liberty party is founded. We rejoice that it seeks one object principally and chiefly, and we consider that as a favorable indication of success. We believe with John Neale,that this party, "with this one idea, will work their way at last, into the Halls of hegislaüon - the seats of Power - and the administration of Law." It may be slower in its growth and extensión than would be a simultaneous alliance of all the other great interests with anti-slavery, but while lts object is confessedly important, noble, and one, it will be invulnerable aliketo outward assults and intestine divisions, and will stand thestorms of successive years. We believe,too, that it will receive the confidence of community. We know not why all the ':other great interests" would not be as safe in the hands of Liberty men as in those of the other parties. It is genetally admitted that the Liberty party is now composcd chiefly of intelligent and respectable citzens. But the objection is often made that this party will becpme as corrupt as either of the others, This implics that both the others are corrupt, and indeed, we can prove it upon them by the testimony of each other. If we can believe them at all, we must believe they are both al most or quite as bad as they can be. Even should the Liberty party become liks unto them, all the pecuniary interests of the country would be as well attended to as they now are. Liberty men havepursuits, occupations, and interests in common with all others. which will receive their attention. A Liberty Congress need be oceupied only a small part of the time with anti-slavery legislation; and the necessary details of business respectingthe Army, Navy, Treasury, Post Office, Forcign Affaire, &c. would fill a large portion of the time of each session. The one idea of the Liberty party thus being carried out, the way would be opened for every ;udicious and valuable reform - reforms which can never be achieved by parties whose submission to the Slave Power is an indispensable prerequisite to any share in the Government. With these prospects before us let us be content with the present dimensions of our political platform. In seeking for a sudden growth by compromise or alliance, let us not destroy ourselves. Rather let us remain one and indivisible, putting forth exertions for our common object as opportunity may offer, until the great and most destructive curse of our country shall be removed.