Report

In our last paper we mentioned, that the State Anti-Slavery Society, had held its anniversary meeting in our vil lage, and that out of its proceodings a spirited discussion arose on the policy of theihird party or liberty organizatipn. The debato was continued in our villnge Lyceum, and was based u-pon a report, as is the custom of the Lyceum. By invitation of its members, Charles H. Stewart, Esq., of Detroit, President of the Anti-Slavery Society, prepared the report, and defended it. The debate was libsrally thrown open tothe public, and was continued for two evenings. We publish the report because of the great interest the debate excited, and because we learn there is a eeneral wioh for it.The questions proposed ío be considered in this report are - whethsr thepi-inciples of the Liberty party are correct, and if so, vhether the mcasures of the party are the most expedient and practicable ío ensure their success. ' The first requisito to tho wiso decisión of any subject is the lucid comprehension of its nature and objocls; neglect or looseness of definilion inevitably produce confusión and tcnd to profitless labor; on the contrary a strict statement of principies, frequently discloses the fact, that no real difFerence of opinión exists, and in all cases narrows debate and leads speedily to truth. The principies of the liberty party may bc thus summarily stated. Abolishment of slavery in the United States to the full iimits permitted by moral and constitutionül authority: assu ranee to the white, and the coïored man of their constitutional rights- freedoni to the free staies frprn the guilt and consequences of slavery - from the expense of its support, and from thedomination of slave interets. These objocts ío be attáined by such measures as the Constitutiotl and Jaws permil, as religión and morality sanction. Wliile the party dëmands the rights of northern freemen, it .would not rigidly push their assertion to án illiberal extreme; it would have for the persons to be affecíed by this assertion such indulgent consideration consistent vith principie os circumstances might cali for, }ret wculd s'peák and act with the firm dignity imposed by thé obligations of sacred principio and vital in terests. Few perhaps will dissent from these principies; it is assumed that all woiild gladly abolish slavery if able to do so. - Some however may doubt whether the north is involved in the expense or guüt of slavery, and require proof of such fact; but the fact once established they would willingly adopt the proper remedial action, according to the general principie above laid down.The Liberty party add to the above principie the assertion that these principies are of imporlance altogether paramount to any other queslions that do noVj or pvobably ever can, affect the nation. . The next point to bc siated is the extent to which the Liberty party claims ability, if successful, to opérate legally on slavery ,and its incidentals; they claim this, power in the District of Columbia, and in the territories of the United States; they claim abiüty to prevent the admission of new slavc states; to repeal the United States Statute of 17.93, which denies to the person claimed as a fugitive slave, all appeal to a jury, even on the fuct of identity - is an outrage to state rights, and is founded on principies contrary to moraliiy and justice, and to the constitution - to repeal all laws of the United States, (of which there are too many,) enacted to promote slavery and slavc interests;to restore the now destroyed rights of petition andliborty of speech - of life and property, of travelling, of transaction of business, of the post ofiice, and to give to every tax payer of legal age and sound mind, the right to vote. If any of these objects shall proye to be beyond the constitutional power of the party3 it will bow the decisión; if new powers shall be disieovered, it claims their benefit; meantime it asserts the above. The liberty party also seeks constituiionally to rescue the nation from the undue and enduring supremacy established by the south. It advocates no crusade, but woUld -vvlpe out the sectior.al preponderanceoriginntedby thesouth,and would give to the free státes the due proportion ofinfluence and patronage gudranteed by republican principie and brotherly feeling, in fair proportion to their excess of population and their great excess of contribution to the national treasury. The evil complained of, is partially exhibited by the following statement. Out of 53 years. southern men have fil led the Presidential chair Al - northern 12; one of those being Van Buren, a southern devotee. Presidents pro tem of the Sonate - from the south, 50; the north. 11. Secretary of State - from the souih 10, from the noiïh;4. Speak'ers of the House of Representatives - from the soath, 29, north, 9. Judges of the Supreme Court - south, 17; north 10. Attorney General - south, 12; north, 5. Foreign Ministers and Charge d' Affaire - south 76,north 52. The names, dates and other particulars of the above, vith many other iike facts, are taken from William Birney's table, published in the Signal of Liberty, lOth July, 1843. By the above and other appointments,thc south has drawn from the national treasury, over and above the amount drawn by the north, $19,840.000, and by apprepriations and indirect means from the government, $190,781,000, particulars to be found in the Emancipador, of November 3, 1842.The liberty party also seeks a total change in Iho national policy, wliich has ever dicfated our foreign intercourse upon the assumed principie that slave producís were the national staple, and ibr these products has found favored marts through the world, to the total abandonment of the inierësts of free labor. The party bas never claimed legislative power over slavery in any 'state; in tthe states, it seeks to opérate but by moral infiuence. The few hours permitted for preparing this report, permit but a glance at a subject, sufficiently extensivo for volumes. - Passing thercforc thus hastily over the principies of the libevíy party, the next question is. as the relativo valué or importance of these principies. Present liniits forbid an exposition of their truthj its enquirer is invited to investígate the subject at his leisure and peruse the maas of startlhig facts nowpublishing in tracts by the party. It will however be admitted, it is thought, that f the principies glanced at, are true, are self commended to every good citizen, and by reason of their vast importance claim an estimation, to which no other questions of the day can aspire. What are these questions? To the candid enquirer, they seem but two - a protective tariíf and party supremacy. Other confiicting questions of former days, now slumber unagitated. A United States Bank has been pronounced by Webster and Adams, to be an obsolete, impracticable and no longer suitable plan: its pretensions are no longer advocated iii any lenown journal of the nation - the question seems to sleep in the silence of death. A restrainst on the Veto powei4, and a single executive term, seem also I'aid in their tomb; both parties have participateci in their burial, and just as the crisis for testing public sentiment I approximafes, and when boih parties expect their candidato soon to possess the veto power, andfill the term, they hn.ve irnmolatcd the issue on böth. The distri bution of land salesj has died a natural death. Economy is the unvafied political clap trap of every party aspiring to public suffrage. Yet such, adding the tariíf, are all the whig principies as defined by Honry Clay, and as published -by the leading whigjournals of the state. For the democratie doctrines, take their statement in the Globe of 18th July,1842. i;Opposition to a national bank - to a national debt - to a tariff essentially for protection - to internal improvements by the national government - toabolition - to distribution in all its shapes." Every candid man will admit that ttíere is not any vital or stupendous conflict betwéeh these party .principies, nor such 3vershadowing prepondcrance by either. s will faially blight national interesis on :he on e hand, or stimuiate them into exiberant prosperity en the other. Theíountry has long boen nearly equally salanced as to their preference between ,he two, and iis interest will prosper ufiíer either. But place alongsida of them he liberty principles,and how striking is he contrast between them. The latter ire the great fundamental principies oí' joverr.ment - the other mere details. Uni'ersal freedom - liberty of speech, of hought, of act 'on, and of petition - trial y jury - free against slave labor - tuxaion and representation - notion lounded on property and especially on a claimed property in man - no class privileges of giant nature - freedom to the north fröm párticipaíion in the guil and expense of slavery - removal fron our institutions of elements fatally hostile and from our country of a mighty power devoted to an exterminating war on the free producing interests. And to all these add the following objects: the benign, .the blessed efibrt to give freedom to rnillions of enslaved - to restore the husband to the wife - the children to bereaved parents - to bid the down trodden to walk erect - to speak confidencetothe virtue of the maid and the rnatron, to rebuke the despoiler, to stay crime almost too unnatural for belief, and too delicate to nárrate; butabove all to bid benighted millions learn the mercies of a loving Savior, and from the evilsofa cruel destiny, may instead, look to joys in mansions beyond the skies, "where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest." John Q. Adams,though a staunch whig. concedes the surpassing importance of the liberty principies, and admits that even but two or three of ihem swallow up the whole of those of his party. In his addressZo his constituents, of the 8th Con gressional District, ai Dedham, Oct. 24 1843, he says: "Fellow citizens, I did intendto say something more upon these subjects to you to have said somsthing about a Bank, bu I am compelïed unwillingly to regard tha "asTin obsolete idea." Thequestiona bout the tarifT and the sub-treasury, wil probably be very interesting at the ap proaching session of Congress, and thenyour interests wi!l be somewhat ïmpncated: I would say somelhing upon these but have not time. But after all, I wish you to understand as my feelings that the question of slavery, and most particulary the question about the domination of the slavö repres?ntation, which overburthensusall, is THE GREAT question on which your interests are concerned in the Government of the United States. - Internal improvement - the public -lands - rovenue - taxes for protection of industry - the relation with foreign powers, especially with GreatBritain - everylhing CENTRES in this odious provisión by which the south has got a represcntation ofslaves made by their masters." After the fact of the worth of the liberty principies is settled, the next question is. how shall tliey be carried out. The party say by moral, and by political action: their opponents would restrict them to the formar. A bare glance at the principies, malees it evident that they can never be attained unless by legislative action. The evils complained of are the creations of lcgislo.tion, and must perish by legislation,and liy it alone. The whol'e ponulation of the United Statss miglit be unanimouson the subject, yet the síupsndous moral influence, thus disclosed, would be in itself powerless to eiTcct the object sought. The moral must act through tho legislative influence. Said Washington in a letter to Robert Morris, April 12, 1788,- "There is nota man living who wishes -more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but therc is orJy one proper and effeclual mode by which it can be accovnplished, and that is by legislative authority." Said Jefferson in the Virginia Legislature.in 1777, ''the'principlesof the amendw.cni vero agreed on, that is to say, the freedorn of all from after a certain day: but it was found that the public rnind ' would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant when it must bear and adopt it." Said Jay, 1786, "an excellent law might be made out of the Pennsylvania i one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. I Were I in your legislature. I would sent a bilí for the purpose, and I would ' never cease moving tillit became a la-w." ! These extracts show that those great ■ men feit the fact now contended for, íhat C ■legislation was indispensable to the lition of slavery: yet this abolition is "but j one of the liberty principies: the other r principies, even still more than this one, are unattainable except by legislation. c Many object to the political action of l the third party, from the en-oneous belief n that their solo object is to emancipatc, and f Lhat when political is added to moral atídi l' christian eiïbrt, there begins a tendeney to créate a poldtical church, and to unite ! Church and State. Prominent howevcr. s, md dea r. as the object of emancipation t! ioubtedly is to tlie par!}-, thore are rnany o )thers al ready .disclosed, which may be t xttfiined. even thongh emancipation should u iai); but these objecís, and evdn n ion itself can be atiained oñly t.y '' úATiON, and that legislation involves tho -P' ïecessity of polilical eflbrt in some way. The party must cither abandon their s; ectsor procure for their success political' ü avort tjHow is it with the ordinary parties of ihc day? They embrace many devout Christiansjthase Christians frequently endcavor to effect by law that, which they make the subject of prayer. For instance, takethe enactmcnts on immoral and criminal offences. These offehcesare in part the subjects of daily prayer,yet itisat this moment a matter of great effort with these very persons, by petitions and moral suasion, to procure the re-enactrnent of lawsabolished in 1843. No political subject was more canvassed last fall, than was this one. In the legislature of 1843, it.formed the most exciting subject of discussion- - and yet it was discussed in a moral and religious aspect, by the respected minister of the Presbyterian church at Detroit, in his pulpit, and as h:s Lord's steward. So it was also with the murder enactmenis. When théir repeal was warmlv agitated, a sermón preceded by regular announcement in all the Detroit daily papers was delivered by the same reverend gentleman, on a Sabbath evening, in his church. Yet these were the exciting politics of the day. The rucS is, there exists a sensitive delicacy on this subject, feit by some religious men, which if examined, will be found to bo ver void of proper foundation. Tts tendency is to drive good and religious men from the ballot box and to eurrender it to the unprincipled. The htter desire nothing better than to drive such opponents from power.- They care not for the pulpit thunders r.oi tbs suasive voice; their conscience is torpid and their whole anxiety is to secure tho ballot box. Let this shrinking from politica power be indulccd in. nnd hnnf fnr cvni-v mntcause mny fk-e the land. Why should not morality speuk its legitímate power lhrou.?h the ballot box, and why should vice have in Ts lawJes hands the destinies of q people? The trütli is, tbat if a principie be good, and if it can got eftective operation onlif by legisktion, no one should fcar lo put it into the ballot box. Such fear exists not when the ordinary politics of ihe dayare voted. - The chnsüan voting hisbonk, or tariff or subIreamry, prostitutes religión' s lioly cause by this act ju?t as much, and no more than if emancipation occiipied the place of the bank or sub-treasury. It js feared that a little of the feeling on this subject is caused by old predilections. - Men cannot easily abandon a party they have ching to t!iro' life, nor lay nside o!d association.', with vvhich they have robed themselvos from infant days; and it is unforiunnlelv incident to btiminity often to mistake the bofow. creations of prejiiaice for the substantia edifice of reason. Very many if not all the objectors topo litícal action, were members of the old Ame rican anti-slavery oranization; yet even il constitulion, adopted years ago in New Yoil recognized the necessity and diity of polit cal action; says its constitution, Art.3J, i part - "And therefore while as a society does not require a pledge Lo vote as a condi tion of membership, and will carefully nb stain from all ihe machinery of party politica arrnngements in efTecüng Is objects, it vvi yet urge on all the duty of exeriing tlieir po lilical power in behalf ofthe Flave." Letrislation is here recognized as a duit, the Society supposed this acfion coukl he at tained without a eeparate party, but thegrea truth-sifter, time, hasdevelcped the fallacy o lliat as wel! os of many anolher error in mor a and poliücal causes.Tíje necessity - unavoidable and íiot to be rcplaced - of legislaíion, and of conseqnence of some political action to obtain t, being thtis sliovp,-t remains to be considered wbether that action could nol be attained íhrough existing organizations, or wbether policy jusíified or necessity diove to, thc formaüon of a Sd party. To so'vethis fact il is necessnry to look a Jittle to history. Up to the end of the last century, the rightp of men, as MEN, slept witiiin a. tomb of rock: assomption on the one hand and ncqniescence on the other stood as barriers io entrance or depnrture; forco kept guard around, nnd none dreamed thnt vitolity existeü within: but the American declaration of '?6, sent its trumpet cali, its spint stirring appeal lhroun-1) the world: it broko upon the stil!ne6s of free[iom'ü grave,andbacie the sleeping but ïmmorlal spirit come forth. ín a few years that spirit had almost miraculously regeneral cd the cvor'd, and ita influences progressive as those f !ho holy gospel, will cense not wliile t;me siiall !ost, to pierce through every Jnnd, and lissolve every barder to the fuliness of Manhood, and to the triutnphaut vindication ofhis ights. But alap, for our country! In the full fiush )f victory, nnd with the noble principies of rnerican Überty w&rni in their heans; its issertors comproniiáed wiíh tlieir antagonist, 'or L0 year.s this virgin land of freedom was o open her unsuüied arma to the welcome aibrac? of s.Javcry - for 20 years was it grced to prcstitute freedonj's young powers o genérate and nurture in our midst on iniitution of slavery - for one fifüi of a century !ie ümitless number of viclims, tvhom force t avarico could toar frotii kindred and counrv was to linger out slavery's hard doom, nknown and unpitied. Duiing this long peiod Humanity was siJenced ahd the nation's and was tietl up alike from merey and from utriotisrn. As.if the object had Leer. toen rain slaVery as thc national staplo upon the spublic's heart, Rnd tö goad the worst pasions of nature into a keenly stimulated cflbrt, ie revolutionists made this unholy "properTj" the basis of poüiical power and agreed togive to its owners privileges such as the ucquisifion of honest industry dare not ask for, nor even tiie visionist dream of. They perrnitted rcprysentatives to sit in Congress by virtue of this alleged property and in proportion to its extenf, gave to ils ownera an incrensing number of representatives and of presideutial electors; tiius penstoning robbery. aud encirclinor with our most honcred gifts the snccessful pirate. Could the result bc a matter of doubt? Wbat compromis can trnth evpr muke with error, ond remain unscathed, or which of Godd's Jaws sholl be invaded with impunity? National sin is punished by national iiiñictions. That there wcw exista an unquenchsblc anti-aiavery feellug: that there are serious sectional difFerences, that the dissolulion of this national compact has untortunately beourae too familiar a theine, even ín Congress; that wc have confessedly 3 nülüons of enerniea in our midst, a3 well as the antagonist iiuerests of free and slave labor, are the comments on this fatal cotnpromise. True, tlie framers of the constitulion supposed slavcry would expire under freedom's infl'.ience! True, conflicting interests renderen a national compact very difficult, and reqtsired mutual conciliation, but principie is a sacrifice tbo dear for even the most valued acquisition. The compromiso was much the same, asiftnembers of a business firm aesociate themselves under articles which permilted sonio of the partners to do a liüle wiong, plunder a Uttle, and commit divers oWietliitlc peccadilioes. But whal of this?- A great Company was fortned, rival f y was lost in common interest, and a thrlviug busi ncs3 was th result. From that time we have been a pro-slove ry nalion. The slavery spirit then infuset , into the nalional heart eent its influences u every extremiiy of the body politie; ïts cur I rent enlarged wilh our growth, and it noy ' courses tiirough our veins nnd arteries,the lifeVM - jt juw-rttj iwv IITli fllll' CVUIC JI Itö f)l' licy domestic and foreign. In 1782 slave fr ior was iinpiofitsble, and t'ne commerce of 3 nation was as nothing, but gradually the J ter mproved, the nation rushed with giant W ules irsto greatness - sources of nnex peetweahhbecame dcveloped, Whitney's in c olutionise;1. the cotton business andopened ti the keen vi.-ien of coíton growera a oí etofgreat weahli, at the saine time they te gan to feel their pontical strenglh and soon th camc aware that they held, to use Web j, ;r'a langu ago in his answer ti Mr. Hayneí, j lever of great power in our polii.ical rnaine." The puliry to make southern procis the sinplo of the nation sprnng up, it L is gradually nuriured into matuniy and "( menee. These producto were sliipped to c i Atlantic cities on the seabonrd, and by rr ;sc cities were re-shipped to foreign couues. Tlie vessels eo employed, brought ry :k the goods coni-urned by the nation; , ofthose were eold to the soui.1), northern chanics also stipolied snuthern ïvants and ; norüiern professions found their interest the nctive business around ihem. In this ■ inner a cornmon interest bound the whole oJ jntry - slave labor was its basi?, all found Ü: it the sourco of national business?, and it was ei ogonist to none. American manufactures jj re bot in infancy, the farming interest was i ignificant, the west woa an unbroken wii'nesá. The hardy pioneer of ihe fores', and i industrious tller of its soil existed not. - ie bins continued thus to deepen and widen checked. 'Tis truc that occasional con" "i ts ensticd between the growing h? ers, and the slave inlerests, luit they were si n passed over; their reaï nature was p( 3vn to the noth; slavéry invariably q phed, and each contest augrnented its powpr; iU last in 1331 nature essaved to vindícate ontraged righïs. The slavea rose in Virsia, and some 60 whiles perjshed; this was er Lt Turner's unsucces6ful insurreclio. - Pr armed, Virginia then began to dibcusa the de estion of emancipatiou, tluis rudely lhrust C an her consideraron. Tliá was in 1832; ur fear subsided, corscience beca me duiled, W( 1 the question was consignad to ihe silence ,.,. it had never been broken, but for Nat Tur. In the followinor vear, anothcr and n iré noble and enu uring1 aiscussion began, ■tined to be ealvatory to the nation: it s ung froin principie and conscicnce. How ierihg is it to contémplate, that whilc the scl on founded upon fear and interest pcr6hed ine nt as qnickly as it roce, the iii'g7iisjaluus'' st the moment, cfelusive and unsubsiantiai ar id slavery's gloom, that noble aclion {jec inging from tlis enduring source?, ordined te the Altnighty, haked riox a moment in ils . irse; it bowed not before opposition; it iiled net before persectition, it triumphed r the might and prejudice of a nalion, and "' ids this dy before the American people, pre monument of a cause ever progressive - din er backward - the bright nssurance that deb riy dweiis imiTiort.il in the American oitc rt, and the cheerinr precursor of its speedy wej mph. un] ïe new discussion arose from the ery society in 1855; it was met by the „ íbice of the proslavery spirit of the ná serl . The new party received every species J-lreatment, that malignity couJd in vent a IC kb.'tts, clubs, rotten eg#s. tar, featheri--, firc an" water, the snord, tlie pal)o-vf, Aiid the higl e were smnü matlers of every day Men éj i;nnoticeff excepf to be conimenced, and unqi isenson !ost evo t!ie pïqnoncy of novelty cpi use of their cemmonnesi, aijd while the Q c ;-furv thus exhausted the elements and ' ier for implements of its vengcance,theaid lind was enlisted in persecution's bad c: lancpuiice was tulled for terms of bilf i i idiousnessj with whicli to brand freedom's tiy l spiritj and tlje term "abolitionisl" w'i a "stench in the ltuid!1 Even the belie ches refused sympathy to the abolitlonisk! imiïvand tent the iinhol) party to politics. Politics barred ir& gated agfainBt ir, and thruel it back on the slill cold and repulsivo church. Thus tho movement continued. For 7 long and tedious years we thus worked, opposed by slavery, by the community, by the political parties, and by the church. We had published, and spoken and prayed. Our books were unread, our meetings were empty, and our prayers were disregarded by men. Often we were refused a place to meet in, (as in Ponttac a few years ago, where not even a church could be had, and we were forced to meet in the canopy of the Lord's temple, his heavens. ) Did we build a Hall for ourselves, in Philadelphia or elsewhere, it was burned! Did we erect our own presses,they were destroyed amid the life's blood of iís editor. The spirit of the murdsred Lovejoy, now speaks from his premature tomb, of the genius Ihat then stalked through the land of free speech and equaï rights. Meanwhile the churchestook no nction or apparent interest in the question, ex cept to manifest an unfavorable bias. - They kept in full cominunion, persons whom the new principie held to be living in great sin. They remonstrated not, nor rebuked. True. some members frequently held very different sentiments. but these composed a part, and only a smail part of the churches, while the clmrches as bodies were silent, by their conduct reproving us, but approving slavery.The quesíion was even feit to be one of excitement, and for this reason - thai slavery had piercecl through and through our country. Slaves had even increased from one half to three millions, nnd ihe systsm had become intimntely intenvoven vith all our relations, civil, politica], ecclesiastical and social. Whíle no one could in heart, dissent from the new anti-slavery views, nearly all feared to act on them. This fear was thenandstill is, to a lamentable exten enteríained by the churches. Their only possible action will, in all probability, lead to immediate gèographical schism, and umity is preferred at the expense of compromising principie ío actionj Ihat would result so deplorabJy. Thus even ín church and conscience, the South is enabled tolrammel tho north.VVhat then werè the abolitionists to do? They could not abandon vital principies; they tberefore went to Congrcsa under a constitutional guarantec of being heard, but were met with an immediate gag. - They next turned to the political parties of the day. The Democrats repulsed them - promptly, coldly, and for ever. But the Vvhigs proferred friendliness and proferred assisiance. The abolitionists as a body, remsincd faithful to them; they aided them in the Woodbridge and the Harrison contest, and contributed their quota, small though it rcight be, to their victory in State and Nation, Whai has been the result'? Not a single antislavery principie was advocaied hy the party, nor is it ever professed to this day. On the contrary every odious slavery measure was renewedj and new ones greatlv exceeding those of the democratie party in bitterness and nurnbers. were enacted during the tvvo years of whig supremacy, a period in which they had a decisive majority, and carried through Congress every party or fa vori te measure. During their extrasession, petilions were shut out. Webster and Granger wcre obligcd to retractanti-slavery sentiments as a pre-requisite for office. Eight southern meh were sent abroad to represent the nation. The only northern man. Everett, of Massachusetts, was long proscribed because of his anti-slavery sentiment, and was at last confirmed as Minister to Éngland, by a bare majority, a tardy concession and made withill grace} because of the jndignant pneaking out of : the whole north. At the regular ' sionsj the gng wa,reiT)ovcdi Three ( weeks were speet in seeking to drive J. f Q,t Adams from the house because he 1 presented his constituent'spetition. }. Jings was censured, unheard and without c iebatc, and obliged to resign, because he [ ítei'ed n resolution. The coJored men iverc excluded from the army and navv, c anless as menials. Florida lands were c jiven aicay, to forcé up a new slave State. A new apportionment of reprei t ;entatives wasmade5 so aá to augmentthe s Jready excessive power of the South, d nd lastJy ihö party how ofler for the c lighest office the people can c lenry Clay. who has an'ayed himself in a nqualiiled hostility to our darthig prin h píe, dëclüring "he would continue to tí ppose any scheme iclialever of emancia ir ation, ichether gtadual ot immediaie,' g ho "rejokies that it is not true that v icr of the two great parties in this ni y have dny design or aim at abolition" u ho "should f egret if they had;" who ri jueves that the law can chattelize the d: iimortal mind, and that food and raiment, alnmMaCTM( tmrn m torn imm m ■ m are a Aill for the chaina of slavery.Thus abandoned all hands, - by the State, fhe' natïon, thewhigs, the demo--ciatSj and fhe church - the indómita b' Ie party werè finally coerced to trust but to íhemsélves aúd theír They novr seek tb attain their' principies by legisla-tion, and through an independent organi Sincefhaí período prosperity, urprecedentod as enduríng, has been theirs. Their meetings have been crowded to ex- cess, and theif af guments li'stened' witBi respecí. Subjecfs so whiía mere moral themes, as to cause buf per- secution and ignomiñy, arb' found in their ncw aspect to be among the most inferes ting of the Men will hear as pol-' ilicians, what ifiey cafed nat f of a mor alists. Our politioal meetings attract larger audiences tharf fhose of other parties; all attend them, and i'f the polifical organization had done andshould hereafter do no more for the cause of antisfavery, than to?havc comrrmnded attenlion, fhe resul t has well rewarded the eftbrt, and imposed a debí of enduring gratrtu'do on the me raí suasionisf.Büt our independent organizaron', is met by the objeciion, that this organiza- tion eannot succeedf and fhaf its result is but to wealcen fhe whigs, who ihrough Adams, Giddings, and a few others, are doing sowicthing for anti-slavery, and to put in power the avowedïy hostile demoIt miglit be süfíicient ío reply that th whigs have been triecí "and íound tvanting." Fail they didj and their failöror waseither because of want of will orability.- The facts already charged" against them are undeniable, If they repïy that theso facts resulíed from a unión betvreen democrácy and southern "VVhigs, Üey at once eonfess the powerkssness of theiï party ever to effect any thing for us.- When do they expect to possess greaterf nay even as great power as the unprecedented and almosi marvel lous Harríson victory gave them? neverí And íf in the supremacy süch an unexampled victory gave, the party eould not keep it meniberS from democracy, even to maifitain the rígíit of Feütion, they are most palpably unable eveftoassert it ; hs vin dication must be otherwise síought. Stí.'l more powerless, of coitase, are the whigöío accompíish the many oííier and mor difficuit objecfs oí the liberty IC these objects are noí to be abandoned al together, w e must look fbr an organiza tion different frcm that of the whigs or democratSi The whigs are unabJe, and the democraís are radically averse, Wa musí not be deterred from securing our peerless objectSj even though our courso may tor a brief season, strengthen a host lile deraocracy Büt thís argument assiíínes the feet, that we do thus strengthen democracy. - This fact ha3 been assumed by whig editors without suiïicient evidenccj and with but liítle of truth. The whiga would be in thc miíioríty, even with the liberty aid; the undivided liberty cid conld not ettect more for the whigs now, than ít did in 1840; íhs united whig and liberty party were then unable to maintain petition Could they ' be more suc cessful now when such a reaction ogainst íhe whigs has ensued? But apart from this, do we draw coü verts chiefly from the whigs'? We hiay ín some local ities, have done so to a great er or less extent- but that thís extent has been excessive, or really important in the niain is denied. In this State our ranks are filled nearly equally from both partjes. Particular towns can be shown rt'here our vote is in the majority-- whero scarcely a vote was ever cast for the Whigs, and Where all our voters wero once democraís Such is the town of Flowerfield in St. Joáeph coünty, and such the town of Pottsdam ín this very 2Odnty. The alleged fact is but onO of ither assümj)tions designed to excite whig ympathies, and to retain among oíd poitical associafes, the whig who is hesitaingwhich to place híghest in his political al creed-the antislavery or the whig rincipíeSi Againj it is evident to the most superfi:ial thinker, that neither whig nor demoralic organiation ever can carry out ihórty principies. Both parties extend to lie south; cut ofi from either of these, its outhern paríy,' its supremacy is at once estroyecij and its antagonist is in the agendant Witii southern aid each party an scai'cely sustain itself; removo this id and the party is scathed. The south as repeatedly avowed that where it3 seconal interests are concerned, ií knows, i the language of Mr. Alford, of Geor ia, "no difference between democrat and hig," and in the language of Mr. Ray. Dr of North Carolina the Souih vould aite wiih any party that upheld her ghts." Which of tliese parties then will ire the advocacy of liberty principies, : the expense of the certain and perpetu,.