Free Discussion Again

Tvo weeks since we published a proposal of our State Central Ccmmittee to discussthe principies of the Liberty party with the Whig gentlemen of Detroit. The reply of the Editors or the Advertiser we also published. A writer, under the signaütre of "A Whig," subsequently came ouf with an arlicle, deprecating discussion on the part ot the Whigs, especially because no specific question was proposed. To cui offall ground ofcavil on this or any other account, Dr. Porter. one of the State Committee addressed the following note to the Advertiser, which vas refused a place in that paper, but vas published in the F ree Press. From the Detroit Advertiser. Messrs. Editors: - The invitation of the State Central Committee to meet our political opponents at the City Hall, to discuss in a friendly and courteous manner points of political diiference, appears to meet with small favor at the hands of our whig fyiends, and to have elicited a depth of feeling and asperiiy of remark. which neither the occasion nor the manner of communication would seem to require. In this last remark I particularly allude to your correspondent's article in Saturday's paper, under the signature of "A Whig," with which theunfortunatecard of our committee, however faulty in point of taste, I cannot but think will favorably compare a regard to spirit, and even 'modesty:' but let that pass. Tt hns been the theme of the whigpress hr.oughout the non-slave-holding states, vb enever it condescended to notice the novements of the liberty part)', that the direct and inevitable effect of our action s io injure the whig cause; that all, or nearly all tlie political abolitionists are drawn from the whig party, and that our gain at the polls is so far the exact measure of ichig loss. I think it would not be difficult to collect some scores of paragraphs from the Detroit Daily AdVertisér alone, within the last two years, to that effect. Judge of the surprise, then, of my "politica! friends, at tbc announcement from the editorial chair of theleading whig journal of the state, that a discussion of the conilicting views of whigs and abolitionists, is at thisjuncture :altogelher unseasonable and irrelevant!" At the election of 1840, the abolitionists of Michigan polled 318 votes; at the election of 1841, 1,250; in 1842,2,100; and in 1843, 2,776. At the approaching election we confidently calcúlate on a large increase. Now, if these votes, as is constantly affirmed by the Whigs, are all drawn from the whig ranks - if our organization as a party rests on a narrow and unsubstantial basis - if it is working evil, and nothing but evil to the slave, tothe country, and above all, to the whig party - if we are vain-glorious, 'slandcrous' and even 'venomous,' as alleged by your correspondentis it an object of no political moment to put down such a pestilent heresy, and that lefore, not after the important pending election? And with such an arrav of talent as your party is known to possess, would it not be incumbent upon you to do so? But your correspondent goes off, in his reasons for deciining the discussion, on quite different grounds; he discovers in our "challenge," as he is pleased to cali it. a most atrocious conspiracy agains the fair fameof the whole whig party a the North - nothing Iess than a wickec attempt [and that, notwithstandjng tha christian charity of which we profess to have so much] to saddle upon it the odi urn of being the friends and advocates o: slavery, and thus, as it vere, by a bok coup de mqin, to involve the whole pha lanx in utter destruction, by entangling it in the mazes of a false issue! This - as you editors sometimes prudently pre face your narratives of horrid accident - ifirue, is greatly to be lamented. Ac cording to thia sagacious party sentinel the radical defect in our card of invitation consists in the absence of any distinc specification "that presents an issue o; principie or f act." Well then, MessrsEdito rs, since we have been foiled in our attempt to spring a net which should enfold at once in its fatal meshes the wholt, whig party, and thus make short work ol it, I am authorifced by our committce to propose fbr public discussion the following quesiiohi Do the circumstanccs of thé country require al the present time the organizalion of a party on the avöwed principies of the Liberty Party, so called: ofwhichthe Liberty Party will support the aiïirmative; or ifyou profer, is Henry Clity inorthy of the snffrages of the friends of truc liberty, as a candidatefor the Chief Magislraey ofthis nation? - of which political abolitionists will take the negative; or to avoid all cavil, we will discuss wiihyou any other question touching the principies or action of the Liberty party, which the whigs or any other party may deern antagonistical to their own. Respectfully yours, arl. porter. Detroit, Feb. 5, 1844. We can think of only three reasons for declining this discussion which can candidly be imputed to the Whigs: The insignificance of their opponents and the issues they present: the incompetencv ofWhigs to meet them; or the fear that the whole result of tlie discussion would bc decidedly to their disadvantage in the judginent of the public. Thefirst reason cannot properly be alledged while the acts and policy of the Liberty party are deemed worthy of almost daily animadversión in the leading Whig paper of the State. The amount of intellect and talent embraced in the Detroit Clay Club ilone forbids us to harbor for a moment hé idea that they decline because they are deficiënt in ableand experienced advocates. Henee the third supposition, that hey fear the result of the conflict of Whig and Liberty principies upon the public tijnd, is the only conclusión to vhich the candid man can arrive. If they choose o leave this impression on community, hat they advocate principies and men vhose ciaims will not bear public examination - that they fear the result of canid and manly discussion, and trust far nore to the influence of coon songs, banneifs, Ashland flagstaves and all the trumery of 1840. than to truth, and reason, ight - let them make a campaign on hese resources - only let it be distinctly inderstood by all that these devices are ieemed the most eflicient means of success. But we are well assureo, that however successful such contrivances may be n a particular emcrgcncy,"any party must expect to be short lived which so far distrusts the judgment of the public as to reuse to discuss its principies in fair and ïianly argument.