Selections: Speech Of Cassius M. Clay: Delivered At A Texas ...

ihe íollowing resolutions urère offered by C. M. Clay, as.a substitute for those presented by the majority of the committee. and supporíedin a speech which has been reported as follows: (See resolutions as published in the newspapers.) Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens: - In presenting the resolutions which I have oñered as a substitute for those reported by a majority of your committee, I donot hope to be more successful here, than I have been in 'the committee itself. This place of meeting, the presiding officer. (Col. R. M. Johnson,) and the audience who favor me with a hearing, all forbicl any expectation on my part, of carrying the substitute. But-I rejoice, humble as I may be in ability, unknown to fame, and of no consideration among men, that associaüón with your name, in this day's dclibcrations. yilj give me a factitious importance, which will recommend what f shall say to a hearing from the people of the United States. My opinions öf little intrinsic valué may excite the minds ofmy countrymen to reflection, and then after mature consideraron, I dare venture the assertion, that tha position I have this day taken will be maintained in practice and vindicated at last by a recognition of those principies, which it is the province of history to enforce and consécrate in the affection of mankind. Regarding the question at issue as second only to those which have forever illustrated the year 1776, I shall speak with that freedom which I inherit as my birthright, and which I so much desire to transmit unimpaired to posterity. Though yet young, I am old enough to know,from sad experience, what history in such melancholy strains has uttered in vain into the deaf aars óf men, that the best of counsel' is far from being alwaysthe most accepto.blo. Wheñ the storm cast vessel is threatened with wreek, the man who w.ould save her by throwing overboard the boxes of gold and other things of more cherished endearment, is hardly heard - whilst he who maintains that all is safe, is too often trusted till both life and treasure are irrecoverably lost. He who from good motives gives even bad acjyice, is entitled at least to jïïst forbearance; whilst the man who advances the best of counsel for selfish .purposes deser ves no considera ton for his services. Those gentlemen who would annex Texas to the Union, amï hurry us blindfold down this precipice of ruin and dishonor, have here in these slave states at least, popular prejudice in their favor. On one side are honor, power, wealth, and easy.access to fame; on the other side, denunciation, banishment, poverty, and obscurity threaten. If I then speak freely the truth, whenyou, my counírymen, are to reap all the fruits of the sacrifice, no man can say I ask too much, when I pray you to hear me with a patience bccoming the-solenïnity of the occasion.First of all then, I protest against this appeal tooursympathies inbehalf of Texas, and these unjustdenunciationsof Mexico, as foreign to thé truo issue, and eminently calculated to Icsd us into error. - Though truly, and v ,tli sorrow beit said, of Anglo Saxon blood, boneof our bone and ilcsh ófour flesli, in the language of gentlemen, I ask you, what claims of sympathy has Texas on the people of the United States? Enjbying all the blessings which the:Constitution gtiarantées to her people, with all the offices of honor and profit, open tothehumblestcitizen; with an unoccupied domain extending to the Pacific, lilcè our first parents going out from Eden, "with the world bcfore thern where to choose" in any clime, a home - they vpluntarily banished themselves from their nativo, country, disavowed the glorious principies of the American Declaration of the rights of man, renöunced the inestimable privileges of the Federal Constitution which was their inheritance, and forgetful of all the ties of common blood, anguage, and home, they became the felow subjects with a half barbarían people, of a distant Spanish Prince. Yes, without becouiing the advocate of Santa Anna, whom they have heard denounced as a.{ tyrant and traitor, for the purpose of preudicing the cause which I vindícate; trusting to indestructible truth and aveng-ing history, I challenge a comparison betwëen Texas and Mexico. The Mexican people, inspired by that Declaration of American Independence, which recent Texas had renöunced, in 1821, vindicated by a gloriöus revolution, her 'title to independence of the Spanish monarchy; and illustraled in act, the postúlate taught jy our Revolutionary héroes, that a peoole cannot of right be governed without their consent. In 1824, Mexico, following the example of the United States and Great Britain, whoin 1820 had declared the slave trade piracy and punishable with death, prohibited in the language of Judge this "infernal traffic." In 1829, once more unlike Texas, she made il 'part of her constitution that no person born after the promulgation of the same, in the several provinces shoúld be held as a slave. Again in 1829, this much abused Mexico, declared slavery was extinguished in the Republic, and elevatiog the dread standard of "God and Liberty," she called upon the sons of freedom by arms to vindícate ■ this immortal decree. And where now, throughout this vast.era■ire, did this glad note of liberty fail to receivea willing response? Alas! for the. recreant Saxons of Texas, the descendants of Washington, and Jefferson, and Adams, and Franklin - Texas, vvho ïad received from a parental government a gratuitous fee simple in the finestsoil on earth. exempt from taxation for ten years. and without other sacrifice, save allegiance to the government and to the Cathoic religión, which he had most solemnly sworn to yieldj Texas was the first to raise the black flag of "slavery and no emancipation" - aye, Texas was the only oeopie who öaredto brave the indignationot mankmdjby resistmg that hberty which has made the nineteenth cèntury forever memorable in the annals of the world. And vet, Santa Anna isa most horrible despot, and much injured and oppressed Texas is the defender of liberty. Santa Anna, who has civilized the barbarían and revolutionary spirit of his people - who has suppressed the daring bands of robbers, who infested the highways, making life unsafe, property insecure, and commerce impracticable - who bas encour aged education and the useful arts- who has caused to be recognized the principies of equal rights and representative government - who, in the midst of the embarrassmcnts of the Arorld, and the exhaustion, arising from revolutionary and civil wars, which have especially harrassed his own country, has preserved the Mexican faith inviolate; whose many gallant deeds in war and peace, have by the most unanimous acclamation of the people, again and again elevated him to the Presidency of the Republic. Santa Anna, who has often liberated American citizens, under circumstances which induces England to.send theminto hopeless exile--Santa Anna is an odious tyrant and Texas, renegado from the land and religión of its fathers - the ingrate to its adopted and fostering country - Texas, the propagator of slavery - Texas, the repudiator of public faith - Texas is so lovely in the eyes of gentlemen, that we must take it to our embrace, although we fall with it into one common grave. But in truth we have nothing to do with the Republics of Texas and Mexico; whether they be the same ortwo independent nations is to us a matter of no concern. We have no evidence that she seeks alliance even i f we were disposed to grant it. I ara no propagandist - I am satisfied to maintain the principies, the independence and the honor of my own country. -The same impulse which moves p -meló repel foreign interferonce and to. deferid my own riglits, constrains me also, to keep aloof from, and respect the peculiar organization which other nations have deemed most suitable to secure their rights. 1 contend tben, in the language of the first resolution, that the annexation oí Texas to the United States, is contrary to the laws of Nations. and just cause pf war on the part of Mexico. The recognition of the independence of Texas by the United States, may or may not have been a suiïicient cause of war,it remained with Mexico to vindícate her injured honor, or pocket tbc injury or insult, na to her seemed best, rclying upon her own capability of mai'ntainïng the integrity of lier empire. But when the United States, not confinining herself to just, or it may be unjust syinpathy, not restrained to an opinión that Texas is or ought of right to be an independent people, makes herself an active and principal party, by tacing hold of the province in controvorsy. thus forever making it impossible for Mexico to recover the country which up to that time was but partially or temporarily in her view alienatéd from her; then I say that Mexico has not only just cause of war, but hat she would be disgraced in the eyes of all gallant Nations if she did not use her every power for the vindication of her injured honor and violated territory. Learned authórity has been quotedherc with the vain expectation of persuadiñg us that Mexico has no cause of grie vanee in the event supposcd. I dare not insult cornmon sense by acquiescence in such mysterious jurisprudential jargon as tb is. I appeal to the reason, to the instincts, the conscienc.es of men, for the establishment of the law of nature, upon which the laws of nations are, or ought tb be forever based. What, sir, have we a solemn treaty of amity with Mexico, to say nothing at present of natural right, and is it a part óf friendship toseize with a rapacious hand, a porof the territory which she still claims, and appropriate it to ours-clves1? Do not these learned jurists know that a breach of treaty, is contrary to the laws of nations, as laid down by all thewriters upon that most obscure of sciences, and without reparation, just cause of war? And what reparation could we make whilst we continue to hold the price of blood and violated faith? What war was more unjust than that carried on by the 'United States against the Florida Indians? Suppose atsome time after its commencement, Mexico had agreed with the Indians,that they were, as they declared themselves to be, free and independent; and suppose Mexico had subsequently thereto, thus addressed us: "You have expended forty millions of dollars, you have lost a white man for every Indian slain inbattle, you have called to your aid blood hounds in vain, to the horror of all christendom; for eight years you have with the whole force of the empire carried on a hopeless war of recovery; it is time hostilities should cease; we will take the Floridas ourselves, peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must." I shall not stop to ask wheth er we should have deemed this a just cause of war, or to say what would have been our laconic reply. Cases have arisen, and will doubtless again arise which, when a peoplé are struggling to throw ofFan unjust and tyrannical rule;have and will again justify a virluous nation even when in alliance with the tyrant, in sympathising with, and iecognizing the indepéndence of, the oppressed. Here the rectitude of the motive and the just cause of the injured cure and sanctify the breach of the treaty of amity. But when Texas is the wrong-doer and Mexico the injured party; here, where not even studiously disguised motives, wearingthc resemblance of virtue, but shameless and openly avowed rapacity impels us to the breach of faith and the disregard of natural right; she will not only, and .ought not only to declare war against us,but she will justly claim the universal sympathy and aid of nations, to enable her to vindícate her desecrated soil and insulted sovereignty. The wrongs of Mexico, the wishes of Texas, the armed arbitrament of other nations aside, the case is still far from being stripped of its embarrassments. It matters net so much what other men may think of us, as that we may think well of ourselves - happy, happy indeed are they who condemn not themselves. If we had our own consent and that of the North to this annexation, still I deern it questionable whethcr Texas, as a free State, could constitutionally be admittcd into the Union. I do not deny that the necessity of the case, the dread alternatives of war, might not, under the treaty making power, compel us to cede away, or to acquire territory. Whether the provinces of Louisiana and Florida were acquired conslitutionally or not I shall not at this late day undertake to (juestion. They were ■ madmitted, however, by the sovereign proprietor's consent, one of them lying around the mouth of the Mississippi river, threatened wilh eternal embarrassment the trade of the whole great valley of the west, no breach of violated national failh was insinuated, no disastrous wars threatened, and yet able juriste and patriotic statesmen, denied the constitutionality of the acquisition, and threatened its ratification with resistance and dissolution. Butwhereis the necessity for the annexation of Texas - even ifshe desired t - even if Mexico did not denounce war - even if there was no violation of national faith - even if she was not a slave State; - where, I ask, is tliat overwhelmng necessity which generates a power not jiven by the Constitution nor anticipaed by its authors? It is not territory tliat ,ve want; our wide unoccupied domain tretches from the Mississippi to the far acific; we have already more land than ve are able to defend from savage incur;ion or British usurpation. "We want nore slave States to off-set the fanatical ree States." Let the world hear it: you admit, sir. hat we want Texas to extend slavery imong men. Unutterable emotions agiate my bosom: I ask the charter of my ;iberty - of your liberty; I cali upon the Declaration of American Independenee upon which it is founded. I invoke the spirit of freedom which in theday of suffering.and threatened despair inspired its utterance, as eolemn protests against this unholy scheme. Shall we not blush to draw the veil, which has hard 1 y shielded us from the contempt and loathing of mankind, for proclaimiag liberty and practicing servitude; shall we longer gull themby the hypocritical plea of necessity, the.sole defence of tyrants! Anew, we incur the guilt of slavery, and are ready to do battle even unto death for its extensión - the expunge from your annals the declaration of rights - repeal the law of '20, whieh makes the slave trade piracy - down with the gibbet and bind the laurel upon the brqw.of the suspendec culprit - withdraw your fleet from the coast of África- teil Great Britain anc the world, that you have been.enacting a solemn farce, when you talked so loudly of liberty; that tyrranny is the best government, and slavery is the truest liberty - that now at last, you begin ío be earnest- fifty years' constraint wearies the most impassive muscles of the most wooden face - you give it up - now you hole slavery sacred at home, and like the oriental prophet of Medina, you are ready to propágate your faith by firo and sworc1 throughout the world - that henceforth and forevër your watchword shall be, "slavery or death.1' I care not for the precedents of the past I declare that there is no power in the Federal Constitution by which a slave State can be admittec into the Union. Slavery cannot exist by the law of nature: it cannot exist by act of Congress. Slavery did exist by the laws of the sovereign States, in the formation of the Constitution they that far retained theii sovereignty, denying it to that extent to the creature of their united will - if they vested in Congress the power to make a slave, then they at the same time yielded the power to unmake him. If then the Congress can make a slave State, they can unmake a slave State: and ifshe has that power, it is her bou n den dufy not to add new slave States to the Union, but to purge it immediately of this fatal disease which threatens death to the liberties of the whole country. They who contend, then, for the admission of the Slave State of Texas, are handling a two edged sword, it cuts both ways, the assumption of such a power must, therefore, be abandoned at once and forever. The contemptible jargon tint slavery already existing in Texas or other territory, acquired by conquest, purchase, or voluntary cession, by municipal law, Congress may form them into slave States and admit them into the Union, is unworthy oC consideraron; it involves the absurdity oC having the power to do through an agent or indirectly, that which they cannot do directly or of themselves. Nothing but sovereign power can make a slave; the moment a State, once having been independent, unites itself with this Union, at that moment its sovereignty is lost, and with it falls slavery at the saine time. If the State about to be admitted was originally a part of the territory of the U. States, it never had any sovereignty and of course never could have made a slave. 1 repeat once more, tliat independent of Art. öth, of the amendment of the Constitution, slavery cannot exist by act oí" Congress - but when we there find the express language, "no person shall be deprived of Jife, liberty or property, without due process of law," all subterfuge is at an end - and the learned and unlearned must unite in one voice, there is no power punder Ileaven, whilst the Constitution remains involate,by which Texas,asa slave State, can be admitted into llfls Union. Whcn gentlemen aredriven from all their strong holds, holding.no ground to stand apon in" making out a casc_ of neecssity, they at last come out wilh the old bugbear, which has been so often paraded up and down with tin pansbeating and cow's horas blowing, whenever any party ends are to be achieved, ihat it has céased to dttract even passing boys, who are accus;omed toshout afler yucli unfarailiar sliows ■p-yes,Eng]and is the monster they'wowld jet at - and they are surprisetl when this old enemy is m the field", that a military man like myself should'be the last to come to the rescuc. Ahhöugh in the eyesof somc.it may be treason to'say a kind or just thing. about this haughty power, the brave cannotat east but honor the brave. I scorn to compliment my.elf indirectly when I say that he greatest warriore are in ihe main the staunchest friends of peace the man who .tends to run away, cares not how' soon he battle rnay come on, but he who is determined to dieor conquer, will be slow n Sëeking the fight. Soult and Wellington are said 'to resist the warlike spirit óf their people; and the correspondence of Scott and the Governor-General of New Brunswick during the difficulties on the Maine border, is an honor to them and to their respective nations. In a bad cause a woman.may put me to fight, but plant me upon:the right, and I ara pToud tosay, that the man does not live whom I dare not look in the face. If wc conquered in the war of independejice, it was not because of our j)hysical strength; with Lord Chatham, 1 say. that in a good cause England could have crushed America to aroms. It was the consciousness of justicc which nervedour people in the hour of trial. Yes, it-wás the right in which we conqnered; it was the right that called the gallant of al lands to our standard; it was the righ which made the veteran British Lion,who liad traverged the world unscathed, crouch m dishonor, before the unfledged bird-of Jove It was the glorious principies of life, liberty and pursuit of happiness in scribed on our banners, like which the let ters of fire on the Babylonian wall, struck terror into the encmies'of our countrf:out in this war which you are madly projectiDg, thisinspiring banner v.-ill not be borne,alas, by us, bui by them. Go teil 'the six hundred thousand free laborers of my gallant State before they leave home, wiie, children and fri-ends, before they shouider their musket and march afar to shed oji the plains of Texas, their blood for tlie extensión of siavery, to ask themselves what they are to gain! When they lie.bleeding and dying on the b-umin g sands of a foreign country, or writhing in the deadly gi-asp of the terrible epidemics of the swamps of Florida and Louisiana, what maddening reflections will then await them - the blood of our sires'hasbeenspent in-vain, tbc Constitution has been violated, the Union has been dissolved, our homes have been deserted, our wives and children have become outcasts and beggars, our country is lost;- all lovely nature fades fast from our dim reluctant eyes, we sink unvvept into dishonored graves, accursed of God and man; if our cause tfiumphs, thesighs and tears of millions enslaved will mar the fruits of victory; but if it fail, as seemingly it must, then have tho chains which we have fbrgedibr others become the heritage of our posterity forever. - No, Mr. President, it cannot be. lfthe worst comes to the worst and the union shall be dissolved, I for one will join my destiny with the north. Hére in Kentucky, my mother earth, ï will stand unawed by danger, unmoved by denunciation, a living sacrifice for her best prosperity; I shall not fear death itselfifshemay live. But if mad counsels shall press her on to ruin, and she shall prefer destruction to the relinquishment of idols, then, and not till then, taking up my household gods, an unwilling exile, I shall, in other lands, seek that liberty which was ho)eless in my native home. I would to God, that my voice could reach every log cabin in this wide and lovely knd; then indeed would 1 feel assured that this dreadaltcrnative could ncver happen; but my words are feebly echocd from these walls, and the press is sealed likë the apocalyptic Dooks, which human power cannot open, ind darkness broods over the land once ■nore, till God hïmseif shall say, let there je light! (Concludcd next week.)