Selections: Gerrit Smith's Reply To C. M. Clay

Prtrrboro, March 29, IS 44. Cassius M. Clay, Esq. Mr Dear Sir:- E have, this day, rend your letter to the Mayor of Dayton. So, notwithstanding you had forty thousand dollars in elaves, and a slaveholding reputation and influence, wliich money cou!d not mcasure, you have sorrcndered nll, and ceased to be a elaveholder! God be pra?sed for this glonous tnmnph of the truth, which American Abolitipnists have been nciilcating, for the last twclve years! God be praised for having made them willin to suffer so much loss, and to count not evon their lives dear unto themselve?, for the sake of ineuïcating t! And thrice blessed be you- and you will be- for having yielded to lts power! No victor so happy, be his conquests never so niimerous nnd extolled, as he, who suffers himself to be conquered by truth. Such a one is, indeed, the greolest of conquerors. His captivity is the establishment in hisown soulof the eupretnacy of virtue over vice -of right over wrong. It is the matchless victory of gaining ihs rule over one's own spirif. I welcome yonr letter, not only becaiise it oondemns slaveholding- condemns it as on outrnge on republicanism nnd christianity; but, because it Jays down the principie, tlint a slaveholder is unfit to be a civil ruler. I wisl), that ihe Northern politica] and religious press concurred with you, in this Jatter respect. But, even the New York Tribune- your favorite newspaper, to which you sent the letter lying before me- makes elabórate argumente against thi9 principie, that theeloveholder s unworthy of civil office. I am very■I - - eorry to observe, that, even in yoar own mind, this principie is not one of entirely universal applicability. You plead for an exception to it: a eingle exception, it is trae; and such an exception, as, I own, it secms ratlier ungracioua to blame you for pleading for. Hen ry Clay is yuur kinsman, neíghbor, friend. He has stood by rou, and givea you effèctive help in your most memorable perils. He is, withal, (he leader, not to any idol, of that party, from which you tre not yet fully weaned. Now, thaf, in these circumstances, you should purpose to vote for him, is indeed, a fault - but a fault, so mitigated by thosc circumstances, that none, and eepeciallv, they, who are thesubjects of the admiration, gratitude, and Jove, excited hy the emancipaíion of your nuxnerous slaves, can find it easy :o fix their eye upon, very sleadily or temly. And, what lleviates this fault etill fariher, is that it ís only for once more, you would have even Henry Clay voted for. Your proscription of slaveholders is fo extend to him also, after the next Presidential Election. The dispen8alion of republicana and christians to vote for a buyer and seller of men even though he be Henry Clay himself, you wouíd hava ceasé, next Noveiuber. Your letter will be of immense service to the Anti -Slavery cause. Such testimony of one of the noblesl minda of the South ogainst slavery- .testimony, no longer contradicted by your slaveholding; but sustained, proven to be deeply sincere, and made solemn and impre68ve, by theemancipation of your slaves, will tell upon every Northern neighborhood. And even the declaration of your purpose to cast your vote for Henry Clay vwll work far less injury than many fear. For lst, thnt vote is too obvious a violation of your ownadmiltea principies, and rtoo obvious an inconsisíency with yourself, to carry much influence with it. 2d, it will be reg arded asa -yielding to the pres&ure of circümstances and human weákness, father than as the conclusión of wise, delibérate, unbiassed reasonings. Sd, those amongst ue, who are ImntIng for excuses for their intented vote for Henry Clay, wilí not find any in your intention to rote for him. That yon, hia neighbor, warm and personal friend, and rejatíve, should be irresisübly templed to vote for him, is a fact, having no npplication to themselves - having no application to persons in eircumslances so totally unlike your own. Nevertheless, a ltttle harm will mingle with the great good of your letter. We have a class of Abolitionists who are called, "The jnst-this once men." They generally vote the anti-slavery ticket; but occasionally, the intoxicating expediente of the proslayery parties prevail over their too eajycipies, and they bcg the privilege of voting, "just this once," with those partie? - of bovving down ngain, "just this once," in the "House of itimmon," It is mie, that many of these causes of vour voting for Henry Clay are to be found in yotir peculiar circumstancee, nnd are. therefo re, without any bearing ons the persons, of whom I ppeak. Notwithstanding, vhen tbey read your letter, and 6ee, that you reserve to yourself the privilege, of gong, just this once,'' in opnosition lo the principie of anti-slavèry voting, they will be but too npt to feel, that they now have the authority of an eminently wise and tipright mnn to justify the de parture from it, of which they are them8eives occasionally guüty. In vain, will it be for ua to emind them, that yonr opposition to, (his principie is tobut for once; and that theirs hes nlready been repeated. They will reply, that, the first time they violated this principie, they were as sure, that thev should not viólale it again, as Cassius M. Clay i:ow is, that his adherence to it will never relax after the next election. í observe your two excuses for casting a pro-slavery vote, at the coming election. One f, that darkness prevails, in respect to the character and criminality of slavery; and thatlight wilJ not take the place of thia darkness, un'j'l nfter the election is past. Bft it so. notwithstonding I totally fail jo understand it, that the next election will prove tobe the line between darknefs and light on this subject;- nevertheless, how wil] this give yoti, in who h "Oie darkness is past and the true light now shineth," the right to cast a pro-slavery vote, at ,that election? If all other men are, your letter shows, that you are not gnoraiït, that it is vftong to make a elaveholdor a civil ruler. Avd, if, n their inorance, all other men vote for a slaveholder, l know not what rig-ht }'ou háve to vote in their darknesF, rather than in yoiirown ligbt; and to make tbeir ignorance, rather than your own knowledge, the standard of your condnet. If, in the providence of Gou, your mind has been 6ingled out for jllumination by Mis trutli, are yon at liberty to defer to a benighted mnjority, nnd to oef, as t acts? I am a ware, that Judgc L. of Missouri denies the rghefto cali in qnestion the condticl of the mnjority: but I nm also aware, that higher authorify than Jndge L. says: "Thou shalt not folio w a nnlhitude to do evil." So far from your being at liberty toaci in me supposed case, as the mnjonty ncts: you aru to regard the revelation of truth to your mind as your commission nnd obligalion to etnploy this truth for ihe enlighteument of that majority. From the doctrine of your letter, that goorl men can, through ignoronce, Hve even in great eins, few Abolitionists will be found to dissent. But you will pardon me fur not being able to porceive, that either this doctrine, or your quotation frojn Macaulay, which, T cheerfully admit, serves to jusiify it, has any pertinence whatcver to the question before us - has any bearing whatever on the point of voting. f find no fauJt with you for intimating, that Henry CJav is ignora nt of the moral nature of 6laveholding. I find nofault with you for numbering him, as you im pliedly do, with religious, great, good, and patriotic men." But what 1 contend for is, that you have no more right ro vote for him, tinder the supposition, that he does not know thesinfulnessofslavery; nomore right to vote Tor him under the mipposition.that he is agreat and good, than under the supposition, that he is a litile and bad man - no more right o rote for him, under the Buppoeition, that he is ft Christian, than under the supposition, tbat he is an infidel. And, in thia connection, I would say, that the Jeading consideraron oï the Abolitionist in his vote is extensively misapprehcnded. Tens of thousands of persons suppose, that the Abolitiqiiisf, in his bigotry and narrovvness, votes for his cand:dater becatise he thinks him sinless; and mthholds hÍ8 votes from rival candidates, because he thinks them ainners. Jïut thcy are nistaken. The Abolitionist passes by pro-slavery tickets, not because the. names on theni are the narnes of sinners, bot because ihey are the names of men, who, whether sainls or sinners, waJl, if.elected; rcfuse to wield their official power for the overthrow of elavery. He prefers the anti-slavery ticket, not becauso its names re those of sinless men, but because they are the names of men, who, hou ever, imperfect their practices or principies, wijl, if elected, use their office, as faras ihey constitutionally can, to deiiver the land from the curse of slavery. In nll tlii-, the Abolitionist exhibits good senre. When I am choosing a man to act for me, I must see to it, that I make choice of one, who will net upon, and act out, my own principies. When I am voting to fill the office, which has power to grant, or vvithhold, licenses, lor makingfuus.i am lo concern myself, not eo npucb aboutlhe goneral reHgious character of the ,candidatos,as about Ihe question of tlieir faithfulnessto the principies of tempernnce. So too, when I am vo-ingtu fill the office of President of the United Stales,it is on incufficient excuse for my pro-skvery vote t.o say, as you virlually do: "The man for vvhom I am voting, is, indeed, in favor of slavery; but he does not know slavery te be wrong; andheie, more"over, a 'religious, great, good, and patriotic man.' " I have, I trust, shown the fallncy ofone of your excuses Tor voting for Henry'Clay. ;The other i?, tliat Jie is sound, in respect to seveial questions in político] economy, vvhich jyou enumeróte; and that his election is important to the proper disposal of these questions. Arov, I wil), if you picase, aclniit all that you claim for Henry Clny concerning these questions: and vet, yourself being judge - your own letler being my nutJiority - he is not entitled to your vote. I know, that your letter says, that the eiection of Tlenry Clay and the proper disposal of these questions, are nccessaiy to prepare the way for triumphant action ngainst slavery; and, I allow, that in your belief of thïs, you have, at least, a show of excuse for voting for Mm. But, ï know too, that your letter a)so virtually says, that. be his financia! or other views what they may, provided he remair.s a slaveholder after the next election, he wil], and, that too, whatever may be the resutt of such election- however unfavorable, in your eyes, its on the económica! questions refèrred to - beworthy of the office of a civil mier. I put it to you then, dear sir, kindly, bat irresistibly, wliether I netd summon an other witness to the Rinr.d tlinn youtself, to prove the empüness of tliis otlier excuse for your vote for Henry Clay, and to deprrve you of even al! show of excuse tinder tliis head for such an unjustjfiahle vote? Bul, H is harsh to se a man for his own condemnation- and in t'ie present instance, entireJy unnecessary. Your excuse can eaeiIy be shown to be unsound, without quoting yourself ogciinst yoursolf'. It cannot, for d moment, abide the test of christianty.. I mean not the opurious cliristianily of this land, hut the pure christimily of the Bible. Ist. God doe? not sacrifice.the least rirht of the least bëing in nll His nnivcrse. To beheve thnt He does, is to beJievo Hiin to 'b'e unJMst, andto destroy the very fütihdaiion of our confidence in Uim. Ld. All men .honld feel, that they are His servants, and that their conduct muöl harmonize with Ilis pri.iciples nnd cbaracter. Tha BibJe, declares ïmpartiahty to be an attributc not of God only, but also(Mat. v. 45}) of all tliem, whnr.re connted worthy tobe His clrldren. Sd. VVlien then we bnrtcr awny the grcnf, ori giual, inherent, rights of one man for aaollier manf8 snore secure po?sc?eion of such riglits; and, most emphatically, wfien we take thêsc sacred rigltts Trom onc man, nnd bnriertliem awny for the prornolion of the mere pecuninry interesta of another, we outrage some of the piainrst principies of the Divtne Guvernment, and prove ourselves to be Atheists nnd rebel?, instea.l of the servante of God. 4th. Bui, is not the willinjness of cerlain anli-slnveiy men to elect a slaveholder (o the Presidency, provided his views, ii respect tothe T;iriiTnnd olher 'financhil mens ure., agrree with their own, red with the guilt of thp worst kind of such a barter? Do tbey nol virtnally say: "We wil! consent to leav'e the Flavos of the District of Colombia and of the Terrilory of Florida in their chains. for the sake of Kecurinr nn imorovement inthe pecuninry circumstnnces of the wliiles? - for the sake of it in our own circumstnnces?" Thousands of profefi&inr Christians are, this da}-, defending sucb compromiso?, and deckring- them tobe indispensnbfe. Buf, before I can be convinced, ihat men can innocentlv, and musí, nccessarily, pmctice siich compromises, 1 mupt be convinced, llmt God is so great n bungler, os not to be able to carry on His Government, without invading the rio-hts of some of His sabjncis. ï sec, thüt yon approvingly quote the moxim: "The greatest good of thegrealestbor." The frequent repetition of Uiis rusxirn in the celebrated lettere of "O. P. Q,.1' writien, t duzenycars ago, jn the city of Pati% gaveit afresh and inereased popularity. But the maxim is no !ess false than popular.- Chriaüanity requires Uie greutest göotf of the wioe number." It is m accordance with this maxim, that the individual ie so nften sacrifiipd in answer to the claims of Society. Society has proved itseif to be a bloody Moloch, on whose. altar millions of individuals have been 6lain. It is in accordance with this maxim, that nations give up imllions of individuáis to be slaughtered oh the twittle field. And th's same maxim is the justifying plea of slavery for milHons in its iron folds. Would tb.at the practice nnder this maxim did not exceed its letter! But Jike every other permitted wrong, it transcends its prescribed limits. A community sets out to promote "the greatest göod of the greatest number," by tnetna of thesacrifice of a Finall number. Bat, sooii however, the foul and murderou wrong grows into the policy of benefitting a select and aristocratie few, at the expense of the mnny. Who will deny, that it hasalready thus increasad and magnifièd itscif in South Caroüno, Missiesippi, and Louisiana, each of which States tliè slave popnlationcxeeedsthe free ?- the sacrificed the sacriiicers? God be praised the pin ín teaching of His word, that one man's rights stsnd not in the way of anolhers's- that one mau's happiness mterferes notwitb onothers- that every man is every other man's broiher- nay more, ■ that every man is bound to eee in every other man another aelf. My friend, my broiher, from the bottom of my heart do I commend to you this plain teaching. You have- and blessed be God for it!-you have "beun to drink of its spirit. Drink cceper of H; and irnti tiiill iKar Ln % .you wui men De prepared to eoy, that, com what will of Banks and Toriflfc, nnd other dollars and cents questions, you will never again vote power over the slave into tho hands of ihe elaveholder. Drink deeper of t; nnd you wiJl then regard all such questions,' as bat "the small dust of the balance," compared with personal rights. Drink deeper of it; and you will tlien be ready to admit, tliat the lenst right of the ieast infant amongst the tens of thousands of our fellow immortaJ?, whom slavery treads under foot in the District of Columbró and n Florida, and who are thw trodden on with the express opprohation of our Genera] Government and of Henry C,qv3 is entitled lo an infinitely more solicitous prótection, at the hands of that Government and of Henry Clay, than all the pecuniary interest sof o 11 the naüon. 1 rejoice, that you did not fiad it in your hearttogive a negative answer to the quesüon, whethnr, if you wcre a citizen ofOliio, you would vote the Liberty Party Electoral ticket; or, the question, whether, if there were such a ticket in your own State, you would v.ite ii. Liberty wil!, probably, have ni ticket in Kenlucky, the present yenr. If sbe sh.juid have, you would find it mnch hardpr torefoseto vote jt, than to vote for Henry Clay. Would, my dcar Sir, that you miht experieoce such a baptism of the spirit of Liberty, ns shotild make you willing to cast a solitary vote for her! Would that she might irresistibly impel you to corrfpose a volé of the nn raes of black men, if are not white men - aye, of slaves .even, if there not freprwn, in your State, to represent your anti-slavery principies. Postenty would accord more honor to you for casting such a vote, than to your rfiütinguiêhed namesake for themost tiïnmpliant enecess of Jus hig-hest nnibition. Pardon me, dearSir, fhnt I have fo freelv expresed the concern of my hoart, respectingthe charóeter of yonr vo'e. Take, if you please. in return, the like liberty with me nnd flre airti-elnvery mpn of the North. Teil u?, how jou wonld hnvc us vuie. If you sliall not vote nn anti-feUvéry electoral licket noxf fnll, yon will havelie excuse, thnt no sucii ticket wns nominated in Kentucky. Bat, if we sháll not vofe one, it will not be for stich a jack. and we shnil not have such nh excuse. Therc will be nnti-elai'ery eleclorai tickets inall f (ie free sta íes. Sita II we vote them? I anti cipate you f emphalic iiffirmntive roply. Wer we not to vote them yo-jr heart wonld grie bifterly over our mifaithfnlness to the cause u'hich i dearer to yon than any other cause ff yon ehdH not vote nn anti-slavory ticke nnother of your xcns'ee, ns we have seen will be, (hat yon dweil tri the mulst of groa (larkness respectinof slavery. Bol, if we shal not - we, Avlio live where floods of Jigbt nre poured forlh on tliis suly'ecf - you wonl( yourspjf be aniong' fhe verv first to repronch ns with ciir utterly txcuseless "fellowship with the works of (lorkncss' If yon slnll not vote on anli.plíivery ticket next ful!, you will, ns we baV nlready said your letter informs iis, mnke as innch of an exetisé', ns yon can, out of the fact, tlim you vótèd n aecordance with jour views on the TarifT andtain olher qneslions in poütical economy. Hnf, ii by no rrrnns follow?, tliat you would have lis tnrn nwny Trom oir nnli-plavery tickets to voto fiir men, wlio wilJ represent onr views on stich qnesüons. All of us have sympnthy with he VVhigs or Drmocrats on these question - a pnrt with one, nnd a pari with the o! her; nnd, thpreforp, were onr votes to ollow this sympathy, there would )O no I.iherty Party lrft. It would be reabsorbed by those pnrtiep, Trom which we caine out - and from vvheh we cnrne out for the very reason, that they nllow these qtiesfjons tocóme into competition with, nnd even to merge, the claims of tho shve. The Liberty Party, which you had the honcety and courage so recently to eulorrise in a public rneetins- in your own State, would tb?n be wrecked and rmned. The Ame-ncan ünti-shvery cause would then have prrisliod froni (hetreachery of its own friendo. I kiow, that from auch inevitable eonsequenccs of our uflering the consideratFon of dollar and cents, instcad of that of inalienable human rights, to govem onr votes, your epirit recoils, as promptly and as widely, as our own; andi that, whilst you are yourself to thí: peculiar and stroiig temptations to leave your own düty undone, you bid as gO forward ttnef manfully do oura. Rest assured, my dear Sir, tljot we shalj not disobey euch righleous instructions. If yo can affard to cart one more pro-slavery voter we cannot. We have repenter] too sorefy of our past TotmL njrainst the s)ave, that we should ever again repeat the errormous crime. And, beaide, we have stood by hím too long. that we ahould sow forsake him. We will continu to hold up the standard of freedom, as well a such feeble one3 can. Neal Autumr will witness your last sin against your enalaved brethren; and then your strong handa will also graspihat standard; ana then, too tkouanls and ten of thooffar.d'a will flock ta tt, under the inspiration of your example. Slavery will succeed in the approaching election. A slaveboldor, or a gtiiltier servant of slavery, will ihpn be elccted to the Chipf Magistracy. Bul, one consolation under 6o pamful a conclusión is, that tliis will be the Inat nalional politica! triumph of this systom of matchloss fraud and horrore. The Presidential election, four yeara henee, if indeed God shali epare our guilty nation bo long, will write upon our standard Jehovah ha3 triumphed - His people arefree." I am, dear Sir, with great regard,