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Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty: Washington Corres...

Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty: Washington Corres... image
Parent Issue
Day
13
Month
May
Year
1844
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

Washington, April 23, 1844. The exching subject at the present moment in Congress is the Texas question. It was taken up by Mr. Tyler as the best possible capital, out of which he might secure his presidential re-election. It would not only probably embarrass his rivals, and scatter dissention among the ranks of the regular parties, but would procure forliimself thepowerful adhesión of the South, a recompense of the reckless devotion, with which he assumed a matter so dear and important to them. The annexation of Texas isinexpressibly valuable to slaveholders. You cannot estimate their anxiety on the subject. They feel that on the event. the fate ofslavery in the U. S. depends: if Texas hall become a part of the Union, slavery will be perpetual: if it shall be excluded, elavery's doom is pronounced. Public sentiment has been revolutionized respecting slavery within the last few years: the House of Representatives is the mirror of public feeling,and faithfully reflects it present state. lts cld members frequently speak of the greatchange, which ihe last few years, has wrought on the subject of slavery, in the debates and conduct of the House. Although thedomineei ing spirit of northern dictation yet exists to a fatal and formidable extent, its tone has been greatly lowered, and freedom's advocates can speak and act, where a few years since a storm of indignation would have burst in overwhelming fury on them, at the first intimation of sentiments, they Dow utter freely. Indeed all acknowledge the great change: all acknowledge the still excessive southern power; all acknowledge their hatred of slavery and all confess - some with joy, but some with dread, that the shroud of the grave is fasttjghtening a round slave power. Without undue arrogance. the Liberty party may claim the credit of these re sults. They are the legitímate fruits of öed they have been sowing for the last five yenrs. "VVheatisnot a more natural yield from its seed} than te this antislavery feeling from the exposures of Liberty effbrts. The old abolition effert was restricted to moral action; it was not calculated to reach political bodies, and it did not. The Liberty effort boldly spread out the political evil of slavery: it tore the covering from our political machinery: it exposed slavery :the mammoth moving power: it revealed slaveholders as its master spirits: it arrayed them for excessive monopolies of office and power: it started the North by revealing the subjection of themselves - their interests -and money to a southern slaveocracy, less in number than the population of some of our Atlantic cities, - and it portrayed in characters, that will never perish, the secret genius of the policy which has controled the U: S. since her confederatiön. The Liberty efíbrt has done this, -and behold its resul ts in the roused prids and energy of the North- and in the lowering tone of the South in the nation's Congress. In 1839, Henry Clay declared that the proceedings oí the abolitionists were beoming 'aJa-ming: thertoïfore they were but moral suasionists: but then (in 1839) they talked of going to the Ballot box. This was a memorable declaration, - memorable as an instance of sagacious foreeight in this statesman, (for the party had not then been formed, nor a vote been cast through party organization), and memorable asa faithful prophecy of coming events. It did not require the 60,000 Liberty votes of 1843 to "alarm" him, ïvho had declared himself 'opposed' to any scheme of emancipation, gradual or immediate": the mere announcement of political eifort by men, inbued by thetion spint, was sufficient, The present Texas movemant is nnother indication of ibis "alarm". Eight slave states as Iargeas Ohio can be made out of its territory, and their weight is needed to uphold the present slave influence. I have from an authentic source, fhe fact that Mr. Calhoun himself admitted this fact lately: he said that the civilized world was united to put down slavery, and that the southern states were a very inefficiënt body to resist this influence, aided by that of the northern states, and that Texas wás absolutely indispensable to the existence of American slavery. Mr. Belser, of Alabama, in his place in the House, said on this subject (asyou will see by the Globe of 19th) that we had'c wjisiuunonai power to annex 1 exas, arising from the necessity of the case: that the federal government guaranteed to us (southern men) the enjoyment of slave property. You (the U.S.)aretherefore bound to carry out that guarantee, to pay your money to do so if necessary. If Texas is not annexed, it wil] probably fall into the hands of a non-slave-holding power: what will theslaves of Louisiana, Arkansas and Mississippi, be then worth? Their owners must watch them, as westerners do their sheep from wolves. It is therefore necessary tkat we should have Texas in order to enjoy our slave property,for the guáranlas toould be nothing unlcss it made slavery profiiablel The fact is incontestible,that theation ot l exas is essential to the continuance of southern slavery. So immediate will be the hearing of this question on slave interests, that if the measure shall succeed, slaves will rise in value from 25 to 30 per cent. because of the increased demand presented by so fertile and vast a territory under the protection of this powerful country: on the other hand, if it fail,slave prices will fall 20 per cent. be cause of the increasing risks consequent on growing abolition. Knowing this, and that the south would pay any price for so inappreciable a benefit, Mr. Tyler assumed it as the best possible electioneering capital. By its influence, and through the services of thevast body of office holders scattered thro: the unión, he hoped to receive the Democratie nomination of the Baltimore convention: strange as the infatuation may seem. yet you may rely on it as a fact, that Mr. Tyler expects that nomination with coniïdent assurance. He is the dupe of designing men: he is surrounded by them and by their influences, and poor man! has little intellect of his own, by which to form correct judgment. The annexation treaty is said to be very skilfully drawn, so as to make it as unexceptionable as possible: Texas is to be admitted as a territory at present, but as states hereafter: we are to assume her debts so far as we receive land to pay them. It is hoped to thus get the edge of the wedge in, and then it will not be difficulty to send it home. The treaty ,however, will not be ratified by the Senate, but do not therefore suppose the project will be abandoned. Annexation will be made the subject of a joint resolution, and the admission of Texas will thus be atfempted during the present session, and that too ere long: depend on this! I tremble to think of its result, where a bare majority is only needed: where the great power of the South, which heretofore has invariably overwhelmed oppositien, to its favorite projects, is broughtto bear: when the truckling of both great parties to the south is recollected: and when the south has with her usual admirable tact chosen for bringing forward the measure the eve of a presidential contest, inwhich she can sell a control, for the presidential chair is hers in fact, I do fear that this wicked and unconstitutional measure will soon be claimed as the law of the land. There is but one hope for the salvation of the country, and that is in the exercise of the same power which compelled the confirmation of Edward Everett: let the north meet every where without distinction of party and repróbate the measure: let northern presses speak out, and let the feeling of the country be made known, let this be done and prompt' ly, and the measure will fail. The treaty was yesterday sent to the Senate: itsdoorswere then closed, and its proceedings were secret: it is however known that the treaty and the documents were read, but no action was had. I have it from an authentic and hiehly honorablesource, that the treaty is infamous! There ismuch excütement through the City, to learn what was going on in the Senate: it was known that a subject vital ]y affecting the Union- that a measure whose importance has not been equalled since 1787 - was discussing within, but all the doom werelocked: secrecy presided, and not a word could transpire to the interested people. What an iniquitous proceeding thishas been: to think of the interests, the wishes, the policyofthe whole American people having been usurped by one man, and that noan in power by accident- -and that iIhis man dares to do on hisown "ipse dixit"- and in order to forward his own personal objects, an act notoriously obnoxious to the people! What a perversión of the treaty making power. This power oontemplated high and important purposes, a great national interest or emergency: a secret session was then necessary. But to annex a foreign state: to vlolate the constitution: to break the compact of partnership made with the origininal states: to delibérate ly purchase a war: to do all this, when there is neither emergency nor pressure, to not consult the people, though there be ampie time for it, and to act thus, one single man for base purposes too, by an overstrained interp retation of the treaty power, is so great an outrage that I want language to express my feelings. I hope that, end as it may, it will be an enduring lesson to the North, no longer to fill the Presidential chair with slaveholders, or with "northern men with southern principies." This question has created great feeling here. It became notorious that unless Mr. Clay declared against it, he would lose one half of his friends.cordingly after much delay, it is understood that a letter frora him is in the city in which he takes decisive ground against annexation. When he formerly contended for it, Texas was regarded as part of our territory: that claim has been long and formally abandoned. Texas is now a foreign country: thére is no power to annex her: she is at war wifh Mexico, and is a slave country: annexation would be virtually a war - and a war for slavery. Sucb are said to be Mr. Clays grounds. I have them from good authority. Mr. Clay has held back his views on this subject, until he could no longer do so, and until their publication was of no avail, beyond their effect on his own election. It was notorious that silence would lose 'him friends: that the Liberty party would greatly augment, being the only one, in which the people could confide on this subject: it was also notorious that the question will be settled one way or other before next March. Annexation will either become alleged Iaw by the action of the present Congress, or it will wholly fail by the peoples action at the ballot box. Mr. Clay's declaration will lose him only two states at the south, and it is better to lose those two than the half or three quarters of those he hopes for at the North. Therefore ihe avowal: but it is yetheld. There is no straight-forwardness about these poticians - no open honestv: why not publish this letter at once? but no! something may turn up: people are to be sounded: the letter is to be held as a masked gun,and if politie, outitwill come. If not politie, none but confidants. will ever know that Henry Clay was anti-annexation. Shame on such secret maneuvering: it must be thus with every slaveholder: but again I hope the North will take warning. General Cass's friends are increasing considerably in Congress: don't be surprised to hear of his nomination: were the convention a month or two later, his nomination would be very likely. An exciting scène took place in the H. R. lo day: Mr. Clay 's well known and remarkable declaration on the Missouri question is feit by all his friends, to be fatally serious: they want to get rid of it, or ta turn it off, - to explain or deny it. Without it, or Mr. Clay being relevant to the pending debate, Mr. White, of Kentucky brought up the subject, andsaid Mr. Clay never used these expressions. Mr. Rathbun of N. Y., Democratie, said they admitled of the most abundant proof. Mr. White, who is of excitable temperament, and was much warned, was understood to have given the lie to Mr. Rathbun. The latter left his seat, and made at Mr. White, who put himself inan attitude of defence: a boxing match or scuille ensued: blows were struck: the members rushed to separate the combatants: a great uproar took place- business was stopped: but after some time order was restored without injury or hurt on either side. But meanwhile some person on the lobby took advantage .Lphe coniusion to enter the house, without being entitled: among them was a littlè mean fellow:William S. Moore, of Kentucky, who has been sneaking about the house for the last three weeks. Mr.Mc'Causelandof Ohio, desired him to go out: he refused: Mr. Mc. C. then thrust him out: when justoutside the door the scoundrel, filled withdiabolical rage, snatched a pistol from his pocket, and aiming at Mr. Mc'C. fired it: the ball missed its aim but passing through the house door entered the house and lodged in the ileshy part of the thigh of one of u 'V Sentlemen will not allow va to have black tlaves, they must let vs have white ones; for WE CARNOT CUT OOR FIRBWOOD, AND BLACK ori{ shoes, AND HAVE OUR WlVES AND DAUGHTERS WORK IN THEthe House pólice: the wound though not dnngerous is severe: the hole in the door admite tny finger. The Ruffian was instantly seized and is in custody. After order was restored, Mr. Rathbun, as the assaüant, made a handsome apology:acknowledged and blamed his conduct: he was, like others, a man of passion, no event of his Iife had given him more regret becauseof the House and of the country: his excitement however was but of the moment, it had passed. He had no ill-feeling to Mr. White. The latter gentleman followed in like spirit, and both shook hands. A motion was then made to expel both gentlemen from the House, but after talking and debating, the subject passed away, and nothing was done. The pistol outrage was referred to a committee. This occurrence used up more than half of the day. The House does not kill itself by business: by great effbrtthe Speaker takes the chair at the unusually early hour of 11 o'clock A. M.,and sits all the forenoon,and all theafternoon up to 3, and sometimes so late as 4 o'clock, averaging at least 4 hours a day at $2 an hour, or $8 per diem. In tny next I will give further intelligencfr meantime, I am sir, yours kc, VIATOR. We find the following account of the ouirage in the House thus detailed by the Editor of the Globe, who was present. Mr. White is irom Kentucky, and was the last Speaker of the House. ' The blank spaces probably represent some of those genteel curses with which the language of slaveholders usually abounds. ';Mr. White, just at the close of his hour, stated that five gentlemen of the House had certified to what the newspapers had charged Mr. Clay as having said in his speech on the Missouri question, in February, 1819: If you wont let us have black slaves, we must have white ones," &c; which speech he said Mr. Clay had never written out. The extract, he said, was taken from a noteto Mr. Rich's speech, published in the National Intelligencer more than a year after that gentleman had made his speech, in which note Mr. Rich had said that Mr. Clay used those words. Here Mr. White's hour ran out, and Mr. Jacobuinmeruoii oDiamea me noor. Mr. Andrew Kennedy askedMr. Brinkerhoff to yield the floor to hira a moment, as he was one of the five gentlemen alluded to, and he wished to prove what he had certified to. Mr. Brinkerhoíf refused to yield the floor; when Mr. Rathbun, who sits directly in front of, and not more than three feet from, Mr. White, said to Mr. Kennedy, "Nevermind, we can prove it all over the House." Mr. White replied, "You can prove a lie, then; swallow that, you." Mr. Rathbun rose slowly from his seat, with histhumbs in the pockets of his pantaloons, and turning round to Mr. White, said, "Do you intend to apply the lie to me personally?" To which Mr. White replied, I do, you;" shutting his fists, and putting himself in a defensive, or offensive position, as he said so. By the time the words wereout of his mouth, both of them had aimed a blow at each other. We could not discern which struck first. As soon as we saw this,we ran to where they were, but before we reached there they had been separated. We entered the aisle where the cotnbatants were, side by side, with the sergeant-at-arms. The members ordered the sergeant-at-arms fut in a menacing manner, some of them putting their hands against him. While they were doing this, we have been told,a man, named Moore, who resides in the Lexington congressional district of Kentucky, was behind the sergeant-at-arms, trying to pull him out, and saying, at the same time,LSlet them fight it out." We neithersaw nor neard this. Uur attention was drawn at the time to the members in front of the sergeant-at-arms, who were ordering him out of the bar of the House. We thought, if the sergeant-at-arms was out of his place, or exceeding his duty, that we certainly were clearly out of ours, and that we had beiwr keep a bright lookout, else we mighfiBe ejected very suddenly. By the time we thought this much. we concluded to get out of the bar of the House; and as we got near the door that enters the hall from the Post-office of the House, we saw the flash .and heard the report of a pislol in tlrè door-way. We rushed to the ddbr, and found three or four persihs just ouiside the door. grappling with the Kentuckian whom we have mentioned, trying to wrest from him a pistol. As he appeared to 'hold his own' with them, we concluded to assist them; and just as we were aboul doing so, a voice at our side said, "Take me Mr. Rives, for I am wounded.)J We at once recognized the person who spoke to be Mr. Isaac H. Wailes, one of the pólice of tho Capítol. Wo took hold of him,- - - I II and found that he had been shot through his right thigh,ncar where it joins his body. Two men assisted us to take him to his house, about 300 yards from the Capítol. On his way thither, he informed us that, hearing a disturbance in the House of Representatives, he thought it to be his duty to go in and assist in quelling it; that, as he entered the door nearest the post-office, Mr. McCauslen, a member of Congress from Ohio, was putting the Kentuckian before mentioned out at it; that as soon as he was put out, he drew a pistol from his breast and attempted to shoot Mr. McCauslan, who wasthenjust inside the House, while he, Mr. Wailes, was in the door; that some person at that moment took hold of the man who had the pistol, and turned him so much, that he shot him, (Wailes,) who was by one of the cheeks of the door." The whole matter was referred to a committee. The Baltimore Sun says: "The Committee will probably report, the House will discuss the matter several weeks, and then the whole subject will be lnid aside without any further action. - Until the House takes some prompt and décisive means to prevent the recurrence of such scènes, by expelling the parties who engnge in them, it will continue to be disgraced by them, and the public halls will be the places for disorders, riots.fighting and pistoling. Shameful.V - ' .

Article

Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News