Press enter after choosing selection

Mr. Clay On Slavery And Annexation

Mr. Clay On Slavery And Annexation image
Parent Issue
Day
19
Month
August
Year
1844
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

uiuinng eiiorts are now bemg made. by the Whigs in all parts of the country, to induce Liberty men to support Mr Clay at the next Presidential election, because as they contend, he is really disposod to exert his mighty influence for the Abolition of Slavery as soon as he shall be elected to the chief magistracy, and because Mr. Clay, and the party whom he represents, are fully pledged to prevent the Annexation of Texas. On these two considerations, some who have acted with the Liberty party, have been induced to agree to support Mr. Clay and the Whig party; and it is hoped by the Whigs who use these arguments, that many more may thereby be seduced from their fidelity to the cause of Human Freedom. In the following, article we propose to make a fáir and candid exhibition of the real position of Mr. Clay on these two subjecls, by such an appeal toacknowIedgedFAcxs as will establish the truth to the full satisfaction of Liberty men, and of a candid public. 1. Mr. Clay has Spoken and Acted ctgainst Slavery. At the time Mr. Clay commenced his political career, which was at a very early age, he was an advocate of gradual emancipation in Kentucky. When the people of that State were about electing delegates to förm a new Constitution, in 1797, Mr. Clay is said to have labored with his vóice and with his pen, for the election of such delegates as would support a scheme of gradual emancipation, similar to that which had been established in Pennsylvania in 1780. By this plan. the generation in being wereto remain in bondage, but their oífspring, born after a specified day, were to be free at the age oftwenty eight years. The number of slaves in Kentucky was then small, probably not more than 20,000, and had this provisión been inserted into the Constitution, it would long since have been a free State. But the advocates of emancipalion were unsuccessful, and the number of slaves has steadily increased for half a cemury. In an address before the Colonization Society, in after life. Mr. Clay said in reference to these efTorts of his: "We were overpowered by numbers, and submitted to the decisión of the majority with '.hegrace with which a minority, in a republic, should ever yield to such a decisión. I have nevertheless, never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decisión, the effects of which have been, to place us in the rear of our neighbors, who are exempt from slavery, in the state of agriculture, theprogressof manufacture?, the advance of improvement, and the general prosperity of society."That Mr. Clay honestly and heartily contended for gradual emancipation in Kentucky, we do not doubt: but his dislike to Slavery was not of such a nature as to preclude him from becoming a practical slaveholder under the laws of his own State, and a strenuous defender of the system. VVhile he has regarded the political evite of Slavery with the eyeof a statesman, and to some extent, has feit and acknowledged them, he has rarely, if ever, referred to the moral wrong, the outrages upon human rights, which are necessarily involved in the system itself, even under its mildest phases. Henee, while in th.eory, according to his own declaration, on financial grounds, he "is no friend to Slavery," in pracice he has been a slaveholder for a great portion of his life. His course, in this respect, may justly be compared to that of the talented inebríate, who, while carousing over the intoxicating bowl, makes fervid orations to his intemperate companions concerningthe evils of drunkenness, and portrays the vast amount of woe, degradation, and crime, which are its concomitants, with the more fervor and eloquence, because he delineates evils which he himself has seen in others, and experienced in his own feelings. In such a case, we might believe that the .inebríate was honest and sincere in lamenting the evils of that intemperance which he so graphically described; but we should give to him and to his companions but little credii for their desires of germine reform, while we found them continuing their reveis, year after year, and on every occasion, proclaiming that they were opposed to every plan of temperance reform, whether future or immediate. 2. Mr. Clay advocated Slavery in Missouri. Missouri was a part of the territory of Louisiana, which was purchased of France in 1803. The State of Louisiana, which had been taken from the territory of that name, was admitted to fellowship with the original States without any restriction as to Slavery. But when the question of admitting Missouri as a 31ave State was agitated in 1819, an ex;itement of feeling took place through the ivhole country, which hus rorely beenwitnessed on otlier occasions. The adhe rents of Liberty and Slavery marshal Ie r their forces for the confest; and it wa debated with zeal and bitterness for thre ■ sessions. On this great question, whetli i er Missouri should be admitted as a Slav 1 State, Mr. Clay look a very prominen stand as the leader of the Slavery party ! He often spoke in behalf of the variou motions having for their object the admis sion of Missouri as a slaveholding state and at one time he spoke nearly fou hours againstthe proposed antislavery re striction. The ablest members from th free States plead the cause of Freedom among vvhom were Rufus King of New York, Otis of Massachusetts, Dana o Connecticut, and Sergeant of Pennsylva nia. Against these Mr. Clay appearec at the head of the slaveholders, the mosi prominent of whom were Randolph anc Barbour of Virginia, McLane of Delaware, Pinckney of Maryland, and Johnson of Kentucky. Mr. Clay succeeded in effecting the admission of Missouri as a Slave State, anc thus gave that preponderance to the Slave Power in our national councils it has since enjoyed. The people of Mis souri, in 1820, had formed a Constitutior making it the duty of the General As sembly, "as soon as might be, to pas. such laws as were necessary to preven free negroes and mulattoes from comin to and settling in the State, on any pre text whatever." This clause was a prominent topic o objection with the members from the fre States; and to obvíate it, Mr. Clay pro posed the folio wing fundamental condi tion: "It is provided that the said State shal never pass any law, preventing any de scription of persons from coming to an settling in the said State, who now are or who may hereafter becomecitizens o any of the States of this Union." When the legislature should assent te this fundamental condition, Missouri wa to be considered as admitted. The legis Jature did assent to it, and the admissioi was completed. But the resolution of admission had this clause also attached to it: i "And provided further, that nothing herein contained shall be construed te take from the State of Missouri, when admitted into the Union, the exercise of any right or power which can now be constitutionally exercised by any of the original States." It will be seen that the members from the free States opposed the admission of Missouri on two grounds; because its Constitution excluded free colored persons from the State, and because it permifted Slavery, and the consequent slave representation in Congress. Bygivingup the first point in controversy, Mr. Clay succeeded in obtaining votes enough to carry the other and far more important one, and thus adding one more to the Slave States, and setting the precedent for all the new States, who might apply for admission. Ml Clay's agency in this transaction, and his gratification in consequence of its success, were well described by himself, in his speech atMilledgeville, Ga. March 19, 1844, as reported at length in the Milledgeville Federal Union, a Whig paper. Mr. Clay said, "He moved for the appointment of a committee of one from each State, and that they should be elected by ballot; a means of designating a committee then unknovvn in the House. On that committee he placed the names of several that had voted against the reception of Missouri into the Union, and had the influence to have them elected; eighteenthe first ballot, and the remaining six were upon his suggestion, made up of those having the highest number of votes. The committee met, and readily agreed to report favorably to the reception of the new State into the Union. But this did not satisfy Mr. Clay; he urged on A. B. and C. the queslion - "Will you vote for it in the House?' and had the happiness to wring from them the positive promise he desired. This gave the turn scale in the House, and he knew the question was settled. It was Sunday evening, and he had now to take a walk of three miles to dine with the Russian Minister, from whom he had a standing invitation to dine on every Sunday, and never, no, never did he move wüh a more Imoyant step, or elevatedfeelings, than on thal occasion." Mr. Clay did not overrate the importance of this achievement to his grovving reputation. It gained him the confidence of the slaveholding portion of the Union - a confidenco which has since become a prerequisite to high national promotion - and the ability and zeal he displayed on that occasion in procuring the extensión of Slavery over that State, gave him considerable influence as a party leader of capacity, skill, and perseverance. 3. Mr. Clay opposed the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbio. The evidences of this are numerous; but we need only present the vote on the following resolution which passed the Senato in 1837:"Resolved, That the interference, by the citizensof anyofthe Stales, with th view to the Abolition of Slavery in th District of Columbia, is endangering th rigts and security of the people of th District; and that any act or measure o Congress designed to abolish Slavery in the District, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the State of Virginia and Mnryland; a just cause of alarm tothe people of the slaveholding States, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and eridanger the U nion." The yeas were as follows: Messrs. Allen, Bayard, Benton, Black Buchanan, Brown, Calhoun, Clay o Alabama, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton Critteuden, Cuthbert, Fulton, Grundy Hubbard, King, Lumpkin, Lyon, Nicholas, Niles, Norvell, Pierce, Preston Rives, Roane, Robinson, Sevier, Smith o Conn., Strange, Tallmadge, Tipton Walker, White, Williams, Wright, Young. Here we find Mr. Clay fully identified in sentiment with the most notorious anc zealousof the slaveholders and nullifiers of the South - with Calhoun, Benton, Walker, and others, who are now the prominent advocates of the Annexation of Texas. In his speech in the Senate in 1839, he made an elabórate argument to show tha Slavery ought not to be abolished in the District of Columbia. Among othe things, he remarked, The Senate at its last session, solemn ly declared that it would be a violation o good faith, resul ting f rom the transactior of the cession, to abolish Slavery in th District of Columbia. And would it no be?" According to the views presented by Mr. Clay on this and on other occasions Slavery cannot be abolished in the Dis trict of Columbia, without a breach o: good faith, until it shall have been extin guished in Maryland or Virginia, or unti the consent of those States shall hav been obtained. We commend this con sideration to those who, in case of th election of Mr. Clay, are anticipating favorable antislavery action in the Feder al District. Mr. Clay 's often repeated opinions and arguments against Abolition in the District, amount to the full force of thepledge given by Mr. Van Buren that he would veto any bill having such an object; and were he not to do it, i would indeed be in Mr. Clay "a breach of faith" towards the slaveholders. 4. Mr. Clay is opposed o all Emancipation. ïn his speech in the Senate in 1839, he said, "If I had been a citizen of Pennsylvania, when Franklin's plan was adopted, ] shotild have voted for it, because by no possibility could the black race ever acquire the ascendancy in that State. But if I had been then, or were now, a citizen of any of the planting States - the Southern or Southwestern States, I should have opposed and would continue to oppose any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or immediate, because of the dangerof an ultímate ascendancy of the black race, or of a civil contest which might terminate in the extinction of one race or the other." In this extract, Mr. Clay declares his opposition to evert scheme of emancipation in those States where the blacks are equal, or nearly equal to the whites. But in the same speech he went further, and laid down p remises which cover the whole ground. "Mr. President, It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true that either of the two great parties in this country has any design or aim at Abolition. 1 should deeply lament it, if it were true." "The liberty of the descendants of África in the United States is incompatible with the safety and liberty of the European descendants. Their slavery forms an exception - an exception resulting f rom a stern and inexorable necessity - to the general liberty in the United States." But here is another extract from aColonization speech of his at Frankfort, Dec. 17, 1839. "If the question vere submitted, whether there should be immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the U. States, without their removal or colonization, painful as it is to expressthe opinión, I have no doubt that it would be unwise to emancípate them." Here we have -Mr. Clay's opinions, plainly and perspicuously expressed. But in his address to Mr. Mendenhall, Oct. 16, 1842, we have a parallel drawn ber tween Slavery as it is, and immediate emancipation, in which the contrast is deicted at length. The speech is from the ST. Y. Tribune, and, if we rightly remem■nember, was written out by Mr. Clay ïimself. The following is all we have oom for: "I desire no concealméntof my opinions n regard lo the institution of slavery. I ook uponitas a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derivedit from the paental government and from our ancesors. I wish every slave in the United tutes was in the country of his ancesors. But here they are. and the question s how can they be best dealt with? If a tate of nature existed, and we were about o lay the foundations of society, no man 'oufd be more strongly opposed than I'" should be to incorpórate the instituüon of slavery among its elements. But there is an incalculable difïbrence between ihe original formation of society, and a long existing organized society, with its ancient laws, institutions and establishments. Now, great as I acknowledge, in my opinión, the evilsof slavery are, theyare nothing, absolutely nothing, in comparison. with the far greater evils wbich would inevitably flow from a sudden, general and indiscriminate emancipation. In some of the States, the number of sjaves approximates towards an equality with that of the whites; in one or two they sur pass them. What would be the condition of the two races in those States, upon the supposition of an immediate emancipation? Does any man suppose that they would become blended into one homogenious mass? Does any man recommend amalgamation - that revolting admixture, alike ofFensive to God and man? What then would certainly happen? - A struggle for political ascendancy; the blacks seeking to acquire, and the whites to maintain possession of the government Upon the supposition of a general, immediate emancipaiion, in those States where the blacks outnumber the whites, tbey would have nothing to do but to insist upon another part of the same Declaration of Independence, as Dorr and his deluded democratie followers recently did in Rhode Island, according to which an undefmed majority have the right, at their pleasure, to subvert an existing government, and instituto a new one in its place, and the whites would be brought in complete subjection to the blacks! A contest would inevilably ensue between the two races, civil war, carnage, pillage, conflagration, devastation, and the ultimate extermination ór expulsión of the blacks. Nothingis more certain. And are not these evils far greater than the mild, continually improving state of slavery which exists in this country?" 5. Mr. Clay is opposcd io iki whole Slavery Enterprise. A single paragraph from Mr. Clay'a speech in 1839 will be sufRcient to show hls appreciation of the measures and objects of the Abolitionists: "They [the ultra Abolitionists] are resolved to persevere in the pursuit of their object at all hazards, and without regard to any consequences, however calamitous they may be. With them the right oj property is nothing; the deiiciency of the powers of the general government is nothing; the acknowledged and incontestible powers of the States are nothing; a civil war, a dissolution of the Union, and the overthrow of a government in which are concentrated the fondest hopes of the civilized world are nothing. A single idea has taken possession of their minds and onward they pursue it, overlpoking all barriers. and regardless of all consequences. With this class, the immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the'Territory of Florida, the prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State, and the refïisal to admït any new State comprising within its Umus the inslitution of domesiic slavery are but so many means conducing to the accoraplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they avowedly and boldly aim; are but so many short stages in the long and bloody road to the distant gaol at which they would finally arrive." ■■ The following is the conclusión of his adüress to Mendenhall, and to which, in in hisRaleigh speech, he referred all who might wish to interrógate him on Slavery. It is, therefore, the response which he now makes to all the Abolitionists of the land. "Go home and mind your own business, and leave other people to take care of theirs. iÁmit your benevolent exertion to your own neighborhood. Within that circle, you will find ampie scope for the exercise of all your charities. Dry up 'the tears of afflicted widows around you, console and comfort the helpless or phan, clothe the naked, and feed and help the poor, black and white, who need succor, and you will be a better and wiser man than you have this day shewn yourself. But the fact that Mr. Clay is opposed to every part of the antislavery enterprise, is susceptible of proofs almost without number. "Discussion impliesdeliberation; deliberation is preliminary to action. The people of the North have uo right to act upon the subject of southern slavery, and therefore they have no right to delibérate - no right to discuss." - Clay's Speech, 1837. "He urged the importance of keeping the abolitionisls separate anddistinct from all other classes, unmixed with the rest of thecommunity, without the general sympathy, and exposed tothe overwhelming power of the united opinión of all who desire the peace, harmonj, and union, of ur confederacy." - Speech on Calhourts esolutions, 1837. "I will now make a single remark on n unfortunate and delicate subject, [that f slavery.] At the commencement o( ie session that subject was before us, and now repeat what I then declared, that, ' f there should be an attack from any uarter on ihatgreat domesiic instituí ion ( f our seclion of the country, the se nato r om South Carolina would never be bund in front of me in defending our ' ights." - Speech in Señale, Jan. 28, 1 838. The slaveholders have ever understood I Mr. Clay, in all these speeches, to mean ] s he said, and have never doubted his sini erity. Had wc space, we could produce jampie evidences of this; but thefollowin extract from the corréspondence of th N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, Feb. 7 1839, a Whíg paper, will suíTice to sb how his great speech was regarded b that impersonation et the Slave Powe John C. Calhonn: "When Mr. Clay liad finishéd, Mr Calhoun rose and complimeníed hit highly on the noble stand lie had laken he feit persuaded that aholitión was at a end; that we had pnsscd one ofour grea est dangers, and nobly passed it." $ &. Ma. Clay's present views vn Sla vtry. It has been said to Abolitionisfs, nn urged by some Whig papers, that thes opinions wcre expressed several year since; that the favorable workings o West India Emancipation have becom more generally known; that the object of the Liberty party, th&ir peaceabl character,and the unexceptionable mean on which they rely for success, cannot b unknown to M r. Clay, nor can they har failcd of making a favorable impressior upon his mind; and it is often intímate that Mr. Clay would immediately liber ate all his slaves, were it not for his pres ent position before the public as a Presi dential candidate; and that there is muc reason for believing thut as soon as h shall be elected, he will free all hi slaves, and carry out as fast as soun diserelion will warrant, all the object sought by the Liberty party. Now to all intimations of this charac ter, we have this reply to make: tha there is not the least evidence of tho trut of these allegations; that sucha cours would be an absolute violation of goo faith with the slaveholders; and besides we have lïs fositive jkclaratio"n tha his views remain unchangedj made a i late as last April, in a public meeting tx Raleigh, and written out by himself, sinc ■ his return to Ashland. He says: "On the subject of Abolitión, I ar . persuaded it is not necessary to say on word to thisenlightened assemblage. M 1 opinión was fully expressed in the Sena i of the United States a few years ago, an f the expression ofit was one of the assign : ed causes of my not receiving the nom nation as a candidate for the Presidenc in December, 1839. But, if there bean , one who doubts, or desires to obtain fut1 ther information about niy views in re speet to that un fortúnate question, I refe him to Mr. Mendenhall, of Richmonc Indiana." Thus the previous views of Mr. Claj which we have quoted, were here recal ed to the recollection af a vast audiénce and were sölemnly re-avowed, and thi Ralftigh speech written out by Mr. Cla carries their re-asserlion to every poriioi. of the Union. "VVhen, then, politica partizans strive to obtain our vofes bj representing that Mr. Clay has become antislavery in his views, shall we believe the unsupported assertion of the dema gogues, or símil we rather beh'eve thö solemn and e.xplicit declaration of Mr C]ay to the contrary, as here promulga ted to the whole nation? 7. Mr. Clay's Posüion Dcfined by Hiinself. 1. Mr. CJay is not the advocate ol Slavery as a good in - as a state ol society lo be desired In this respect ho differs from Mr. Calhoun. His remark to Mr. Mendenhall doubtless expressed his honest convictions: "If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be morestrongly opposed than I should be to incorpórate the institution of Slavery among its elements." 2. He opposes gradual emanciparon in the Southern and Southwestern States. 3. He opposes all immcdiate emancipation, because of the eviis which would inevitably flow from it. 4. He opposes the agitation and discussion of the antislavery question, in all its branches. 5. These opinions have been avowcd through a series of years, by Mr. Clay, who is a man of ability, agë, and experience, and are now again reasserted to the -vorld. 6. The sincerty oC these convictions is further demonstratcd by the holding op slaves for some thirty years. Now, if coniinued slareholding through a long life, a constant defence of Slavery as it now exists, and an open and unremitting warfare upon all attempis at Emancipation, do not constitute sufficient tests of bcing thoroughly and completely a PKOSLAVERY MAN, we know not what evidence could be produced which would be salisfactory. A mau's practice through life, and the constant reiteration oC unvaried opinions and principies of action, constitute the only sure standard by which we judge of human character; and the brief review that we have made of the course of Mr. Cay on this subject, we think, will not fail to convince every unprejudiced reader that it has been, in the main, consistent, unchanged, and undisguised.

Article

Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News