The Anniversaries

On Tuesday we took the cars to Jackson, but owingto a slight fall of snovv, they did nol arrive lili cvening. On entering the Temperance meeting, we learned that the business proceedings liad been completed; and a discussion upon the anticipated Legislalive action in favor of Temperance was progressing. - During the cvening and the session of the following day, every speaker whom wb heard approved of the Legislative action now so generally asked for, or wished for a aw totally prohibitory of the snle of intoxicating drinks. Not a dissenling voice was heard. At the last Anniversary, the merits of the question were thoroughly canvassed by fifteen or twenty speakers, only two of whom avowedtheir opposition to invoking Legislative aid. - We were gratified to find such a unión of feeling and purpose, and from all that we saw and heard, we carne to the conclusión that the measure for which Tem perance men are now petitioning may be sfeedily attained, if sought for by the whole mass of them with activity and singleness of purpose. We mention these things for the encouragement of that small but noblehearted minority of Temperance men, who began ten years ago, to labor to bringup public sentiment to see and feel that Intemperance could never bepatea while the trade in Ardent bpints was sanctioned and made honorable by the Law. This position of the few was discountenanced by the wise, the honorable, the learned - by lawyers clergymen, legislntors, and judges. We well remeraber that at one Anniversary where this principie was first attempted to be bro't up for discussion, it was shoved aside by the Business Committee, and the President enforced the banishment of the odious topic by remarking - "ƒ am afraid gentlemen are losing a great many fine speeches!" This hint was decisive. The speeches were listened to, applauded - and nothing was done. On another occasion, a leading friend of the Temperance cause and a member of " the Legislature, took strong ground in public debate against asking for Iegislative aid at all, saying, "Ihe moment you askfor legislativo action, the cause of Temperance is 30wní" Yet that same gentleman and hls friends have since invoked that Iegislative aid which they once deemed so dangerous. Year by year the truth which was once so much despised, has slowly byt steadily & surely gained with community, until it ranks among its supporters the entire Temperance Army of the State. The moral we draw from the slory is, ihat reformers should never be impatient, but when they are satisfied thatthey have found a valuable and leading truth, they should "go ahead" in proclaiming it, being well assured that they "shall reap in due time if they faint not." But to return. On entering the Court House on Wednesday afternoon, the time announced for the meeting of the AniiSlavery Society, t was found densely filled with people, and Mr. Bibb was addressing ihem at their request. On the entrance of Mr. Birney, a general cali was made for remarks from him; and as a large part of the audience were from theadjoining towns and could not attend in the evening, the organization of the Society was postponed, and Mr. Birney took the stand. We cannot give even an outline of his remarks; but we will enumérate some of the topics on which he dwelt, without pretending to give his exact language. Mr. Birney commenced hy referring to the Annexation of Texas as the great measure of public policy now before the nation. The design of it was to sustain and aggrandize the Slave Power by adding new Slave States to the Union. - This was the only object for which it was wanted. Let Slavery be abolished today, and its annexation would nol be desired either by the South or North.As to the constitutionalLty of the measure, there was so little ground for framing an argument in its favor, that the Democrats were unwilling to undertake it, and conteníed themselves with pleading the annexation of Louisiana and Florida as precedents for that of Texas. But ought we again to viólate the constitution ofour country because it had been done twice before? Is one wrong act a suíficient excuse Por another? Mr. JeíTerson himself acknovvledged that there was no authority in the Constitution by virtue of which Louisiana could be annexed. Mr. B. said he was not disposed to disparage the importance of the acquisition ina territorial point of view. But he maintained that when it was obtained by a direct violation of the Constitution, it was obtained at too dear a price. That violation made way for succeeding ones, eacbof.yyhich diminished that reverencetand regard which all ought to pay to the fundamental law ofour country. Shouldth authority of this instrument once be de troyed, what landmarks should we hav by which we might guide ourcourse? -But Louisiana might have been obtamed constitutionnlly. Had the project been submitfed to the States, they vvould have made the requisite alteration in that instrument, and at the same lime would have taken care to prohibit Slavery. - But by making the importance of the acquisition an excuse for violating our fundamental lavv, three new Slave States, Louisiana, Missouri, and Arkansas, with their representation for slaves, had been added to the Union to sustain and invigrate Sla ver yj and because this evil has een perpetrated, shal! we now add eight r ten more Slave States for the same jurpose? Texas is an independent nation. If Congress may constitutionally annex the United Stales to one nation, why may hey nol to another? Have they not the ame right to annex us lo Mexico os to Texas? Or to France or England? By lis process we might find ourselves conlitutionally reduced again to colonial ependence! Mr. Birney examined at length the lausible pretence so generally used by )emocrats, that Annexation is in fact an nti-slavery measure. Their argument may be thusstated:"There is a definite number of slaves n the United States and in Texas: the nion of the two nations will not in itself ncrease or diminish that number; but the reat emigration to Texas irpm the iorthern slaveholding States will soon xtinguish Slavery there, and they will econie Free States; while the slaves ill only be transponed further south,and lavery will ultimalely find a drain or utlet through Texas into Mexico, whose nstitutionsmake no difference on account t color or descent. Thus annexation vould be favorable, not to Slavery, but o Frcedom." Suppose, said Mr. B. thai an order of NTobilily, or an Estabhshed Church Exsted by Law in Texas; should we wish o incorpórate these evils into our instituons, and give them oursanction, merely jecause there would be no more privildged Noblemen or favored Ecclesiastics n the world than there were before? As o making the northern Slave States into Vee States by transporting the slaves to )e South, the idea was absurd in itself, nd was contradictory to all experience. uppose that by some means the price of lorses should be doubled in the Southern States; would the farmers of Michigan send all their horses out of the State? - Or would they not immediately go into ie business of raising as many as. they ould for exportation, at the same time aking great care of the producing part f their stock? At the end of ten years. ie number of horses in the State would e increased rather thandiminished. But vhat is the testimony of experience? - enator Walker, the Hercules of this nterprise, tells us, that 500,000 slaves lad been exported south from Maryland,Virginia, Tennessee and Kentucky. Has lavery been e-xtinguislied in these States y this immense emigration? Hasit been iminished at all? On the contrary, the ave population in those four States had argely and steadüy increased. The same principie was true of emigration generaly. What vast numbersof thenativesof reland emigrate to foreign countries! - f et the population of I reland constantly ncreases. So it would be in the slave?roducing States. Great numbers of laves would be sold to Texas, and vet hé home population would be larger than )efore. As to the drain or oullel for slaveryhrotigh Texas, Mr. B. was unable to ;omprehend the nature of it, nor had he yet foundan annexationist who could ex)lain the process by which it was totake jlace. It would be strange to him to see a Texan Slaveholder pay a thousand dolars in Virginia for a slave, take him to Texas in irons, and then let him run ofl" nto Mexico just as soon as he pleased! - Such was not his view of the character of Southern Slaveholders. But it was said, "You Liberty men might have defeated this nefarious project by merely voting for Mr. Clay, who was opposed to it, and who would have been elected, had he received your votes. Therefore, should Texas be annexed, on you rests the responsibility of efFecting it." Such was the language of Ihe Whigs towards us: was it just? Admitting for argument's sake, that Mr. Clay, if elected, would have kept Texas out, and admitting that our votes would have elected him - we could not vote for him without abnndoning the object for which we had organized as a party. What was that object - to keep Texas out? No, but to abolish Slavery throughoul tlie United States. Keeping this object in view, how could ve consisfently vote for a Slaveholder for President - especiall for one who had done more ío uphold and strenglhen the institution we were laboring to abolish, than any other man in th nation? In all our publications and ac dresses for many years, we have mos explicitly informed our fellow-citizen that it was a fundamental principie wit us not to vote for a Slaveholder. Ho unreasonable, then, is it in them to b angry and abuse us because we will no belie those pledges we have so often anc solemnly maae in their hearing! But suppose we had all voted for MCía}' - suppose him olected, and Texas kept out - where would have been the Liberty party? Scattered among Slaveholders and their allies without having accomplished any thing. The Liberty party woald not havo been in existence at this time. It would have been completely oissolved. Mr. Birney also referredto Mr. Clny's allegiance to the "Code of Honor" as another prominent reason why many antislavery men could not vote for him. - This code sets at defiance the laws of God and man, and tramples on both. B.y this code Mr. Clay had been guided through lil'e. He had proved his fealty to it in his youth, in man bood, and in his riper years. He had given inslances of his devotion to it, while holding prominent public situations as Legislator, Member f Congress, and Secretary of State. - 'he occasion for which men were called o the field of combat was certainly the ery last for which their lives should be eoparded: it was in every case for words joken in public debate. It made no ifterence how Mr. Clay had acted in íese encounters - whether courageously nd honorably or otherwise - it was nough that in entering upon them he emonstrated that the "Code of Honor" was supreme with him, and in obeyingit, ie deliberately violated and set at defince the laws of God, and of his own ountry. A portion of the Liberty party ould not vote lor a candidate who thus rampled upon the laws of that country ver which he was to preside. Mr. Birney said he had thus made an xposition of the reasons why we could ot support the Whig candidaie for the residency. He did not present these as vindicxtion - as a defence of our action n that occasion: not at all. We owed o allegiance 10 any political party, nor vere we accountable to them for our acon or principies. He referred to the necdote of the Asiastic prince, who on eing presented to the King of England, nd told he must kiss his Majesty's hand, eplied - "me kivg too!" So it was with ie Liberty party. We were "a king oo," and were amply competent to hoose our own course of action, without ie instruction of any other party whatver. (Great applause.) Mr. B. considered the principies of the Jberty party to be the only hope of the country, and to these we must adhere, vhether Texas were annexed or not. Aso lhe competency of the Liberty party o accomplish their object - the abolition f slavery in the United States - he beieved it could be done by a method at nce simple, constitutional and speedy - a method to which no valid objection could e raissd. 250,000 Slaveholders now govrn the entire South. They monopolize lmost every office in the Slave States. VIr. Birney saidthat in hts intercouse with outhern men, he did not remember of a single ojice-holder under the General Goernment who was not a slaveholder. - íot even a solitary Postmaster could he cali to mind who was a non-slaveholder. There might have been such, but he did not remember of ever knowing a single exception to lhe rule. So of the State liegislalures. As far as his acquaintance extended, the members were uniforrnly Slaveholders. Thus, as a general rule, every office of any moment in the Slave States, is held by Slaveholders. From this class the General Government anïoints all its officers; and the slaveholders being a ímall portion of the people,intelligent, wealthy and allied to each other by marriage and otherwise, lhe whole class is constantly built up the weulth and power of the Government. - Mr. Birney said that this state of things should be reversed. When ananti-slavery Executive should assume the reins of Government, it should be a leading principie - not necessarily formally proclaimed, but constantly acted out, that no slaveholder should be appoinlcd to office. In this way the long arm of the Federal Government, which has been employed for half a century in in distributing influecne, emolumenta and power to a small class, would reach into every State and town and village, and by making a just discrimination between Slaveholders and others, it would hold up the oppressor of his fellow man in his true light, as utterly unworthy of possessing an office under a free government, whose principies of Liberty he was every day trampling under foot! Such an exclusión from office would be equivalent to a constant but just stigma of reproach to the Slaveholder: it would be so regarded by him, by the entire North, by the NonSlaveholders, and by all mankind: anc its iniluence, if persisted in for a few years, would of itself be sufficient to ac complish the abolition of Slavery. Mr. Birney subsequently took part i the discussion of other topics. His ar gument to prove that "slaveholding is al ways sinful" was the best specimen o pure, logical reasoning that we have heard in the State. Those who listened to it will be happy to learn that he will soon write it out for publication. In the evening Mr. Bibb related to crowded and deeply attentive audience his tscape from slavery with its atiendan circumstances. The emotions of sympa Ihy mnnifested by-tho hearers when hcspoke of the separalion from his wife and child demonstrated tó us that men may be made into abolitionists through their feelings as well as through their understandings. Neither method is to be despised. Mr. Bibb spoke on this occasion with ability and propnety; and we learn that through the State, his lectures have made a favorable impresston. The next day the Convention assembled. A large delegntion was present, and after discussion it was unanimously votedto defer the nomination of Governor till a later period, to be then made by a State Conventiön to becalled lor. that purpose by the Central Committee. Numerous resolutions were discussed by Messrs. Stewart, Twiss, Gurney, Gallup, Harrison, and others. They will be found in the official proceedings. We were espeeially pleased to notice so large a number of clergymen of different denominations present at the Anniversary. Their influence canïiot fait of being feit for good in promoting the cause of Human Rights. But one of the principie agents in enlivening the meeting was the choir of singers. The pieces were selected from the "Liberty Minstrel," lately published by Geo. W. Clorke, formerly well known in this State as a Temperance lecturer. - The stanzas entitled, "Get off the track," were sung three times with tremendous applause. The largo numbers present - the ability of the speakers - the unanimity of views - the con fident assurance of final success which was manifested - the friendly greetings of the old veterans in the cause - the enlivening music, and the hospitality of the citizens of Jackson, conspired to render this the most agreeable and spirited of our Anni"ersaries; and when we took the cars for home, it was with the wish that we might live to mingle with a still larger number in a similar gathering during the coming year.