Address: Read At The New York State Liberty Convention Held ...

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ADDRESS READ AT THE NEW YORK STATE LIBERTY CONVENTION HELD AT PORT BYRON, ON WEDNESDAY AND THURSDAY, JULY 25 AND 26, 1845. To the friends of the Enslaved--the Advocates of Equal Rights: It is tow more in twelve years since the existence; criminality, the growili, and the aggressions of chattel slavery in Our boasted Republic lave been' topics of constant agitation by a large and increasing class of our citizens, distinctly avowing their deep convictions of its horrible wickedness; and pledging their best endeavors for its speedy and emira abolition. Convinced of the utter incompatibility of this system with the preservation of republican freedom, and finding it impracticable to wield their elective franchise in accordance with their convictions while connected with the old parties looking to slaveholders for support, it was thought necessary, by a portion of the Abolitionists, more than Gve years ago, to disconnect themselves from the old parties, and organize anew, for the support of such candidates of their own selection as they could consistently and safely constitute the representatives of their principles--- the advocates of their measures. The course of events, since that time, has confirmed, fully,the views with which this step was taken, & las convinced large numbers of the necessity of coming into the metsure. It is becoming daily more evident that no party not distinctly pledged to the abolition of slavery, holding it as an object on no considerations to be compromised, and under no possible circumstances to be postponed for other objects, can ever be depended upon for the accomplishment of such a work. And notwithstanding the local professions of one of the old parties, on the eve of pending elections, (and for the purpose of unitiag the North and the South in the support of slaveholders,) it is now adınitted by those organs of that party who were most loud in claiming our support, that tle general abolition of slavery HAS NEVEr entered into the plan of their operations, but only the restricting of the slave power to its present field of domi. nation." nation. Si "The Liberty party, therefore, as the only party pledged to the abolition of chattel slavery, occupies a ground exclusively and wholly it own. So far as this subject is concerned, it has no rival in the political field, and can confidently challenge the support of those who are intent on securing that sublime object. But large numbers who seem to be desirous of quitting the parties subservient to slavery, and of wielding the elective franchise for its removal, are fearsal of casting in their lot with a party whose creed of political economy, in other respects, is not more distinctly defined. It is in vain that we point out to them the pecuniary burdens resulting directly from the slave system, and inflicted by a petty oligarchy of about two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders (less than one sixty-eighth part of the Vide New York Tribune. It en les nation,) upon the rest of our seventeen millions of inhabitants. It is in vain that we run over the inventory of its exorbitant exactions--its expensive purchases of slave territory-its Florida wars-its protracted foreign diplomacy for the better security of sleve property-its capricius and fitful changes of the national policy, with all the commercial losses inevitably resulting from our intercourse with the slaveholding States. Whatever we may exhibit of statistical information on these topics, they continue to regard us as having cultivated an acquaintance with only this one subject, or as being ready to disregard all other sources of public mischiel, in our exclusive attention to the one that has absorbed, for so long a time, our earBest regard. They fear that an administration guided by our councils, would leave our country exposed to evils as great or perhaps greater, than those we seek to remove, while directing our attention to only one point. The very fact that we have left the old parties, and have united together on a new basis, totally distinct from both of them, confirms them in this estimate of our position. And there are not wanting those who represent us as holding that the entire functions of civil government are wrapped up in the "one idea" of abolishing chattel slavery, so that in our endeavors to secure the liberation of the slave, we should feel ourselves Iquite at liberty to compromise the rights of the free!-and that in our engerress to disarm the aristocracy of the South, we should readily enter into comprom. ises and alliances with a rival and grow. ing aristocracy of the North-contining our regards to the poor and oppressed col. ored man at the distance, and averting our eyes from the wants and the wrongs of the poor white man at our own door.. The course of events has brought us to a point a: which these misapprehensions should be forever removed. Our true position should be so clearly defined that there could be no room for mistake; and the friends of equal and impartial liberty for all men, irrespective of color or condition, should not fail to see in the Liberty party at the first glance, the very par. ty, and the mly one, in this country, in the hands of which the essential rights of any portion of our fellow-citizens could be sale. To this object, then, (passing by other interesting topics of remark,) we confine ourselves on the present occasion, setting Torth our ow it views of the proper course for the Liberty party to pursue-inviting the members of that party to consider and determine upon its fitness-and asking the friends of republican liberty and of the enslaved, every where, whether this be not the true ground on which all true friends of human progress should meet and lift up their banner. 1. POSITION OF LIBERTY PARTY HITHERTO. We admit freely, as the truth requires us to admit, that, in the first organization of the Liberty party, under the pressure of the extraordinary and unforeseen causes that led to that measure, the members of that party, composed as they were of men trained and educated in the old rival parties, did not stop to elaborate in detail a creed of political economy embracing the topics commonly prominent in other political creeds. They were not then in the best condition 10 do so, nor was it the first work for them to perform. Not a few of them had hopes that a temporary organization, by wielding a balance of power" (sought in vain by the "questioning of candidates,") would force one or both of the old parties into a compliance with their wishes, and secure the abolition of slavery without further delay. A still grenter number, perhaps, felt confident that when the aggressions and depredations of the slave power were fully revealed, all honest and right minded men would rally at once for its overthrow, giving the Liberty party a glorious but brief struggle, and leaving its members at leisure, alter disbanding, to go back into such old or new political organizations as might then exist, or which, in their various estimates, the times might seen to require. It can not be charged upon them, either as a crime, or as an evidence of any peculiar want of political sagacity, that they did not then so distinctly perceive as they now must, that all the aristocratic influences that could be combined together, from all sects and parties, ecclesiastical and political, would be systematically wielded against all earnest measures, whether political or moral, for the abolition of American slavery; that they did not then foresee, what they have now learned that the grand Bastile of American oppression, despising all sudden assaults, is to be reduced only by a a regular and protracted siege, in which they must gird on all their armor and add | patience to courage. Perceiving as they must now do, that the poison has penetrated every pore and artery of the body politic, they must adapt their remedies to the inveterate of the disease. The Liberty party, as a per. manent organization, and asking, as such, the control of the National affairs, can not fail to be asked with resistless importunity, as it advances step by step, what use it will make of the power committed to its hands, on those points (of secondary importance it may be) with which the pub. lic mind must continue to be in some measure engrossed. Iis position, therefore, on those points, must of necessity be defined more definitely thun it has yet been done. And the history of other parties has shown the improvidence of Jeferring, to a very Tate day, so important a task. The policy of non-commillal may suit the objects of some politicians, but not those of wise statesinen, confiding in an intelligent people. And the hazardous double game of holding out opposite allurements to opposite classes of citizens, has seldom proved successful enough, in our times, to receive even the low praise of prudence from those whose course is not governed by nobler motives. The advantage of retaining the names and the votes of those who misapprehend our position would be purchased attoo high a price. And nothing could be more perplexing than to find one set of political maxims passing currently in some portions of the Liberty party, and the opposite in others. Neutrality is no position at all; and if it were, it could not be ours. Our character is not made up of mere negatives. It is positive: & silence if it be sometimes a virtue, does not thrive well with those who are constantly called to assert the right of free speech. Silent nor neutral, on ques. lions of political economy and public interest, we shall not be: the only question is-What shall we speak? Have we principles which can be translated into measures? Are those principles exact and comprehensive enough to solve all the questions arising in political life! The archives of the Liberty party, circumscribed though they are, very happily are not bare of materials from which may be gathered the germ of its future destination. A few brief extracts from its records will suffice to show this. our pirST NATIONAL CONVENTION. The first National Liberty Convention, - held at Albuny, April 1, 1840, adopted the resolutions that follow: 5 Resolved. That while we consider the ABOLITION OF SLAVERY ns paramount to all other questions, of national politics, and have nominated and expect to nominate AND TO ELECT, with a special view to this vital question, we by no meuns lose sight of numerous other questions, in which all who are lo be al'fected directly or indirectly by our gov ernment are deeply interested, and well consider that OUR FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE, to wit, that ALL MEN! s within its jurisdiction are, AS MEN, en titled to an EQUAL PARTICIPATION in the benefits of our government, does decide all these questions in favor of the general good, by deciding them in favor of the widest and largest LIBERTY that can Rourish under JUST LAWS. Resolved, That as Abolitionists, it is our duty, and as American citizens it is the duty of all, instead of supporting a first, second, or third party, to RISE ABOVE ALL PARTY, and unite as patriots, philanthropists, and Christians, to put down the slaveocracy of all parties, and put up the PRINCIPLES of the Declaration of Independence, at the ballot-box, and everywhere else, by every lawful, constitutional, moral, and religious influence.” In another resolution the Convention characterized slavery as "Generating the prevalence of selfishness over public spirit, and therefore utterly inconsistent with the exalted purposes of free government." And in a resolution announcing the names of their candidates for Presideót and Vice President, they speak of them as "Firmly devoted to the PRINCIPLES of HUMAN RIGHTS, and capable of applying them discreetly and efficaciously for the ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, AND for the promotion of ALL OUR OTHER PUBLIC INTERESTS, as far us the offices to which we would call them constitutionally permit,” &c. SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. The second National Liberty Convention, held in the city of New York, May 12 and 13, 1841, discussed and adopted an elaborate Address, which occupied nearly nine long newspaper columns, of which two full columns were devoted to the subject of political economy. And if all the details of its future policy, as a political party were not fully matured, the necessity of doing so at some future time, was distinctly recognized, the PRINCIPLES BY which that policy should be moulded were developed with much prominence, and not a few pregnant indications and specimens of the application of those principles were, even then, at that early day, with precision laid down. A brief abstract from this document must suffice us here. In reply to the then rising inquiry,what course the Liberty party would be likely to pursue in respect to other great interests commonly supposed to have no man. ner of connection with the principles of human rights, as involved in the slave question," the Convention suggested, in the first place, that the full adjustment might be left open for future consideration" and decided by the party in the light of its ever increasing wisdom, under the guidance of a wise course of ex. perimental endeavors." They answered, (and very truly) in the second place, that "the great pecuniary, financial, and mon. oy interests of the country" were more deeply affected by slavery, than by any of the other causes in debate between the old parties. They answered, in the third place, that the overthrow of the slave power would remove the chief obstacle in the way of a harmonious and permanent adjustment of the controverted questions, and put an end to those never-ending changes, and Nuctuations, so capriciously, yet systematically inflicted upon us, by that power. They answered, in the fourth place, that many questions now earnestly contested would lose all their significance and could never again be revived, if a system of free labor should prevail over the whole country. They answered in the fifth place, that the GREAT DOCTRINE of HUMAN RIGHTS, as involved in the question of abolition, in other words, the fundamental principles of HUMAN EQUALITY, JUSTICE, MERCY, HUMANITY, regard for human nature, as such, irrespective of factitious and artificial distinctions, and in opposition to arbitrary and aristocratic claims, THESE (the very elements and life blood of abolitionism,) comprise not only the best but the ONLY SURE STANDARD and TEST, by which all the apparently subordinate and doubtful questions of legislation and of political economy SHOULD BE DECIDED." And under this head they added: "It is only in the light of these GREAT PRINCIPLES (which no administration but antislavery will ever embrace or thoroughly understand,) that any clue can be found to those perplexing problems about which narrow-minded and mere selfish | politicians so constantly wrangle, without ever settling them at all, or placing them upon any permanent or sure basis. The great END of human government is the PROTECTION of the RIGHTS of men, the preservation of the public peace and safety and where THIS END is duly regarded, the advancement of the public prosperity can not but be secured, on the most equitable and stable basis.Without undertaking, therefore, to foretell precisely every public measure of the political economy which a thoroughly abolitionist national administration would find it proper to adopt, we may venture to specify a few things which it would nor do." "It would not long remain silent or in-l active, in its diplomatic relations, in respect to the iniquitous Corn Laws of Great Britain, by which the poor in one nation are made the victims of the lordly rapasity of those who should protect them, and by which the free agriculturists of ani other and a kindred nation are debarred: from using the natural market for their s products.” "It would not solicitously seek, as an object of great public concernment and utility, either by the aid of a Sub-Treasury, a National Bank, or any other instrumentality or institution devised for the purpose, an artificial and forced 'equalization of exchanges' between the free laboring North, and the spendthrift, dependent, and poverty-stricken South, whereby the latter may be relieved from the disadvantages of their condition, by the manifest and gross robbery of the former." "It would not shape its measures in conformity with the corrupt principle that wealth is the chief object of legislation, that its possession is the proof of merit, that its acquisition is the great end of national policy, to the promotion of which the social, intellectual, and moral interests of man may be innocently sacrificed." “It would not plunge the country into needless, wicked, ruinous, and disgraceful wars, especially with the red men of the forest, on our frontiers. Least of all would it do this for the inglorious purpose of sending the hearty yeomanry of the North, at their own expense, and at the bidding of the slaveholder, on the bloodhound errand of scenting the track of fugitive slaves across the everglades of | Florida, and kidnapping men, women, le and children, for victims on the altar of - slavery. - - "In the expenditures of the Govern ment, it would not burden the people with - unnecessary appropriations, either for ex. travagant salaries, or for the maintenance of magnificence, and idle and anti-repub. lican splendor anl show." It would not violate the public moral. ity, or invade human rights, on any pleas of Stale necessity, however plausibly or importunately they might be urged. It I would nol favor or tolerate unjust or anti republican MONOPOLIES of any kind, to intake the rich richer and the poor poor. - er, in any department of political ac "In the activities of State,county, township, village, and city politics, the friends of impartial liberty and inalienable human rights, if true to their trust, will not fail to array themselves against those disgraceful and wicked arrangements thro' which vice is licensed by law, the morals of the people undermined by their professed and constitutional guardians, and crime and pauperism created under authority of the Stale, for the emolument of gamblers, venders of strong drink, and other panders of vice." Other portions of the saine Address insisted that the very object for which civil government was instituted among men” was the defence of the poor and needy.” And it enrefully guarded against the idea that this defence was to be extended exclusively to those actually enslaved. It insisted that “whether power was to be exercised on a broad oron a narrow scale," a "regard for human rights" was the grand, the indispensable qualification for office--that "the UNFORTUNATE AND THE POOR IN OUR MIDST" (here, at the North,) "ought not to be put into the hands of those who look with contempt upon the slave," nor our sons placed under the direction of "path-masters who had not learned the important distinction between a laboring man and a working beast.” The same Address suggested the propriety of such a change in the Constitution of the United States, os should "place the choice of President and Vice President of the United States in the hands of the people themselves, without the intervention of a College of Electors." The Convention further said: "In demanding the redress of the slave's wrongs, in the first place, as the grea: and paramount object of our political endeavors, we do not forget that there are OTHER wrongs to be redressed. But we select as most important, the case most palpable, and immeasurably the most grievous and pressing—the case of the uncomplaining and the dumb, who can not plead for themselves--the cuse of OTHERS as well as our own. In this way only can those who seek other and minor | political reformations, evince either the sincerity, the impartiality, or the consistency of their demands.” “With this expose of their views the Convention indulge the hope that, in the minds of reliecting and good men, they will not be thought to have lost sight of the various interests and objects to which the attention of the patriot and the states. man should be directed in the activities of political life. If charged with being men of ONE IDEA in respect to public affairs, they ask that the comprehensiveness, and scope, and magnitude of thul one idea may be well gauged, weighed, appreciated, and understood. It is the idea that righteousness exalteth a nation, while sin is the reproach of any people. It is the idea that all human power is derived from the Creator of men, and unless wielded in conformity with his laws, must become a curse instead of a blessing to mankind. It is the idea that LAW is for the preservation of RIGHTS. It is the idea that GOD governs the world—that it is always good policy to do right, and bad policy to do wrong." The same National Convention that isened this Address appointed a large committee of citizens of the State of New York, as a -eleputation to wait on the members of the Legislature now in session, an urge the passage of the bills now pending for the repeal of the nine months law, and for amending the Constitution in reference to the right of enfFrage;" [so as to extend the right to our colored fellow citizens on the same terms as to the whites.] The same Convention passed a vote of thanks to Joshua Leavitt for his statistical Lables and memorial to Congress, "praying the adoption of measures to secure an equit. able and adequate market for American wheat." And "on motion of C. Chamberlain, of Indiana, it was *Resolved, That duty, patriotism, and humonity, call upon all Americans to unite heartily and fly in the effort tu remove ALL oppressive laas, & to establish EQUAL RIGHTS, and the impartial administration of justice THROUGHOUT THE LAND." TURD NATIONAL CONVENTION. The third Natin Liberty Convention, held at Buffalo, August 30, 1845, adopt ed the following resolutions: and children, for victims on the altar of - slavery. - - "In the expenditures of the Govern ment, it would not burden the people with - unnecessary appropriations, either for ex. travagant salaries, or for the maintenance of magnificence, and idle and anti-repub. lican splendor anl show." It would not violate the public moral. ity, or invade human rights, on any pleas of Stale necessity, however plausibly or importunately they might be urged. It I would nol favor or tolerate unjust or anti republican MONOPOLIES of any kind, to intake the rich richer and the poor poor. - er, in any department of political ac "In the activities of State,county, township, village, and city politics, the friends of impartial liberty and inalienable human rights, if true to their trust, will not fail to array themselves against those disgraceful and wicked arrangements thro' which vice is licensed by law, the morals of the people undermined by their professed and constitutional guardians, and crime and pauperism created under authority of the Stale, for the emolument of gamblers, venders of strong drink, and other panders of vice." Other portions of the saine Address insisted that the very object for which civil government was instituted among men” was the defence of the poor and needy.” And it enrefully guarded against the idea that this defence was to be extended exclusively to those actually enslaved. It insisted that “whether power was to be exercised on a broad oron a narrow scale," a "regard for human rights" was the grand, the indispensable qualification for office--that "the UNFORTUNATE AND THE POOR IN OUR MIDST" (here, at the North,) "ought not to be put into the hands of those who look with contempt upon the slave," nor our sons placed under the direction of "path-masters who had not learned the important distinction between a laboring man and a working beast.” The same Address suggested the propriety of such a change in the Constitution of the United States, os should "place the choice of President and Vice President of the United States in the hands of the people themselves, without the intervention of a College of Electors." The Convention further said: "In demanding the redress of the slave's wrongs, in the first place, as the grea: and paramount object of our political endeavors, we do not forget that there are OTHER wrongs to be redressed. But we select as most important, the case most palpable, and immeasurably the most grievous and pressing—the case of the uncomplaining and the dumb, who can not plead for themselves--the cuse of OTHERS as well as our own. In this way only can those who seek other and minor | political reformations, evince either the sincerity, the impartiality, or the consistency of their demands.” “With this expose of their views the Convention indulge the hope that, in the minds of reliecting and good men, they will not be thought to have lost sight of the various interests and objects to which the attention of the patriot and the states. man should be directed in the activities of political life. If charged with being men of ONE IDEA in respect to public affairs, they ask that the comprehensiveness, and scope, and magnitude of thul one idea may be well gauged, weighed, appreciated, and understood. It is the idea that righteousness exalteth a nation, while sin is the reproach of any people. It is the idea that all human power is derived from the Creator of men, and unless wielded in conformity with his laws, must become a curse instead of a blessing to mankind. It is the idea that LAW is for the preservation of RIGHTS. It is the idea that GOD governs the world—that it is always good policy to do right, and bad policy to do wrong." The same National Convention that isened this Address appointed a large committee of citizens of the State of New York, as a -eleputation to wait on the members of the Legislature now in session, an urge the passage of the bills now pending for the repeal of the nine months law, and for amending the Constitution in reference to the right of enfFrage;" [so as to extend the right to our colored fellow citizens on the same terms as to the whites.] The same Convention passed a vote of thanks to Joshua Leavitt for his statistical Lables and memorial to Congress, "praying the adoption of measures to secure an equit. able and adequate market for American wheat." And "on motion of C. Chamberlain, of Indiana, it was *Resolved, That duty, patriotism, and humonity, call upon all Americans to unite heartily and fly in the effort tu remove ALL oppressive laas, & to establish EQUAL RIGHTS, and the impartial administration of justice THROUGHOUT THE LAND." TURD NATIONAL CONVENTION. The third Natin Liberty Gonvention, tion, held at Buffalo, August 30, 1845, adopt ed the following resolutions: Rosolved. That the Liberty party has not been organized for any temporary purpose by interested politicians, buit hus arisen from among the people, in consequence of a conviction hourly going ground that no other par. ty in the country represents truly the principles of American Liberty, and the true spirit of the Constitution of the United States. "Resolved, That the Liberty party lins not - been originated MERELY for the overthrow of slavery. Its first and most decided effort must - indeed be directed against slaveholding, ne the grossest and most revolting form of despotism, - but it will also carry out the principles of equal rights into all their practical consequences and applications, and support every jusi mras ure, conducive to social and individual free. dom. Resolved, that the Liberty party is not a sectional party, but a National party, has NOT originated in a desire to accomplish a SINGLE object, but in a comprehensive regard to the interests of this schole country is not a new party, or a third party, but is the - party of 1778, reviving the PRINCIPLES of that memorable ern, and striving to carry them into practical application." N. Y. STATE CONVENTION, 1842. The New York State Liberty Convention held at New York Mills, August 10. 1842, adopted and issued an Address, containing the parng raph that follows: "In the bearing of economy on politics we shall be men of principle. One who invades rights in commercial, can hardly defend them in his political relations. Whatever goes to exalt une by the degradation of another we should frown upon upon. The poor, the desponding, the oppressed, these are our brethren, the world over. Let us sparn the thot of rising on their ruin." MASSACUU-KTTS, 1849. An Address to the voters of Massachusetts, Nov. 3, 1842, contains the following: Vore for those only who stand disconnected from pro slavery parties, and who will fearlessly CARRY OUT the fundamental principles of EQUAL RIGHTS IN ALL LEGISLATION." S ONO STATE CONVENTION, 1842. An Obio State Liberty Convention, Jan. 4 5, 1842. issued, in its Address, the following: The creed of our fathers is our creed.-- Their faith is our faith. In our State legis. Intion we desire a repeal of the oppressive Inws which degrade the black without benefuma tle while. We would encourage the colored people in virtue and knowledge by stuble legislative provisions. We therefore give to the breeze the banner of Constitution ul Liberty. We inscribe va its folds LIBERTY, EQAL RIGHTS, Protection to Free Labor, Public Economy." PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE. James G. Birney, is his letter of acceptance of the nomination of the Liberty party, ae its candidate for President of the U.States, dated Jan. 10, 1842 expresses himself thus: "What is our object? Liberty. The Liberty that is twin brother of Justice-the Liberty that respects and protects the rights, not of the weak only, or of the strong only, but of the weak and the strong, and simply because they are HUMAN RIGHTS." KOCHESTER CONVENTION-BITRON HOLLEY. The earliest incipient measures for local independent aislavery nominations, before any National Liberty party was organized, were strongly marked by similar features. The Monroe County (N. Y.) Convention for County nominations, held at Rochester, Sept. 28, 1989, adopted a series of resolutions and un Address prepared by Myron Holley, from which we extract the following: Resolved, That under a solemo conviction of the truth of the preceding resolutions, and with no other views than to restore and preserve the COMMON LIBERTIES OF THE NATION, including the POOR as well as the Rich, the SLAVE as well as the FRER, we now set up the political standard of EQUAL RIGHTS in our country, and commence our most eamest exertions to rally the nation under it, devoutly imploring the God of Freedom, our fathers' God, and onr God, to give us and our fellow citizens wisdom and power to sustain it, till its broad folds shall overspread and sheller every human being within our borders." In their Address, the Convention said: *Let a party of disinterested, intelligen!, virtuous men be formed, taking the true ground of UNIVERSAL FREEDOM UNIVERSAL JUSTICE, and EQUAL RIGhts, and it will soon attract all the strong powers of the human spirit to work in iis behalf. It will compe! rood men to shake off their old party lies for the sake of joining it." "Les uz then forma a new party-uot for the purpose of defeating any proper object of either of the existing parties, but for uniting with all that is most valuable in the objecis of beth, the incomparably greater object of reeuring. with equal and paternal care, the universal rights and interests of all the States and all the people of our glorious Union.Under the standard of such a purty all the good may flock together, & find their common home." PREVIOUS DISCUSSION. The discussions which preceded and accompanied the organization of the Liberty party, were deeply imbued with the same spirit. - Among the earliest paragraphs ever published, looking in the direction of a distinct political organization of abolitionists, was the following from the pen of the lamented CHARLES FOL LEN: It becomes those who have not lost all sense of the dignity of human anture, to declare that they consider the PERSONAL RIGHTS