Report Of The Committee On State Affairs

To the Honorable the Sauxte of the State , of Michigan: I Samuel Dentón, for the committee on State afFairs, to which was referred i the petition of numerous voters in Oak- s land, Washtenaw and other counties, praying that the necessary legislativo action s may be taken for amending the tion of this State, by expunging from the 2d article thereof the word "White." Your committte report as follows: It is in favor of granting the prayer of ! the petition. The petition seeks to carry into effect a great principie namely- That taxation and representaron are inseparable. To this principie our republic owesits being. But for it the State of Michigan had not been this day sitting in sovereignty. For Ü3 assertion the wisdom, the blood, and ihe treasure of this nation were not deemcd too great anexpenditure during eight vearsof infancy and weakness. lts truih has not been since questioued; on the contrary, it has gathered strength from the commentary of 70 years. Of all our I republican principies it is now the most popular, and universally acknowledged. The demand for the practical application of such a principie, stands on the strongest ground. To refuse a demand thus commended, lo stay the operation of a principie thus great, popular and sacred, from its associations, can be justified only. by reasons of the most cogent stringency. Do they ex si? The question will be presently considered. Before an American assembly it were a waste of time to discuss the policy of a principio so confirmed, or to renson respecting the natural rights of man. The committee but remark that in thelaration of Independencc no limitaiion by color or other trifling distinction is found to mar tho harmony, or impede the career of this noble principie. The committee pass to other topics, which, with those alluded to, converge to a common conclusión in favor of giving the right of suffrage to every tax-payer irrespective of color. No principie is more dear to pure democracy than ttie extensión of sufi'rage. In proportion to the weakness of democratie principies, limitation prevails; con8ervatismrestrains it by educational or pecuniary barriers; aristoerney compresses it within the narrow limitsof birth or for tune; despotism obliterates it. Our nationality is built upon democratie principies; of these, universal suflVage is one, and it has enjoyed a vigorous protection, orencountered a cramping jealously, according as the spirit of democracy was in the ascendant or on the wane amid the councils of the nation. In no way can democratie nalionality be moro eflfectually preserved than by a free extensión of Buffrage to the tax-payer, and by a jealous distrust of every demand for its re8triction. True! restrictions must necessa rily exist - but they ouglit to be founded in a general principie, and not in their marked violation. To erect "color" into a barrier to this great democratie doctrine, is but to belie our professions, and make a hypocrite of our princ'ple. Further reasons for a sacred fidelity to our cardinal principie are found in the peculiarity of our political struclure. - We are united as a nation, bul by voluniary compact. Each individual is equal, and each state a sovereign. A compact based on man's natural rightsbinds us into n common people. While these rights and their consequent principies are practically respected, our compact will be porformed, and our union indissoluble; but to viólate them either openly or by antagonist inconsistencies, at once undermines the only foundation on which our structuro can permanently rest. Unlike the monarchies of Europe, we have no great external power, whose resistless force compresses discordance and inconsiBtency to a reluctant harmany. OurTovernmental machine must work by the ;oncord of its parts, and its own unmarred )ower. To legislate directly against our principies, or even to shrink from carrying them out, is to throw discord into the atherwise harmonious working of our ejovernment, and necessarily endangër sur stability. Some may think this reasoning too serious for the subject; that the question, whether suflrage shall be granted to, or kvithheld from a mere handful of tax-payïrs, is an insignificant matter. Your committee think diiTerently. - The rights of a minority ought to be res:ecled, and more saeredly if it is weak. The weakness of the claimants but enlances the present question. Their small lumber and the powerlessness of their josilion commends their rights to a gen;rous and just majority. But a more im)ortunt reason for scrious consideraron )f the subject, is found in the fact, that mnciple is always subverted by inidious ïflbrt. It is first attacked in a remote and ipparently trifling point; the invader, if loticed, is despised; the small concession ie seeks excites no alarm; he creepsfrom aost to post; gains strength at every step; it last assaults und carries the citadel itjelf. Moral delinquencies Ilústrate this. The house-breaker's career began by jome petty school-boy theft; the murderïr's principie first yielded to some wild gust of childish passion; the forger at first but devised some cunning scheme of money raising. The point at which to have arrested the guilt of the individual?, was at their jirsl deviation from principie. - That point surrendered, their consumiríation of guilt was almost certain. None leap at once into the arms of full grown crime, or violation of principie; their course is gradual as the growth of the man from the child. As with the moral so wilh the political principie. lts greatestdanger lies in the apparently trifling, yet wilely encroaches on some remóte point. But the jealous freemnn should guard his trust as does the maiden her honor, and repel the slightest liberty. If we tamper with our fundamental principies - if we hedge up the way of our great one - "taxation and represer.tntion," and todav excludeaman because of his color, what follows? Why, that country is to be a disqualification to-morrow, and creed the day after. Establiah these, and on their heels will follow a property, and an educntional qualification; and universal suffroge is lost. No! No! Let us not tamper with this cardinal principie.It is the precious bequest of our revolutioniiry sires; t comes to us consecrated by the blood and the patriotism of '76. - Be ours the care to preserve this less legacy in the purity of its maiden 1 gift and if time has dropped upon it a sullying spot, be ours thegrateful task to move it, and restore its original lustre. These views inducing a sympathy with the prayer of the petition,are strengihened by otherconsideraiions. One of them is found in the reciprocal duties of the government and the governed. The former is founded to promote the happiness of the latter; tsconstituentsare the whole resident peoplo of every class, creed, color, and country. The first anicle of our State Constitution recognizes this. lts second clause says: "Government is instituted (or the protection, security, and benefit of the people." No restrictions, eitlier by color or otherwise are here. - All of this people contribule to support government, and arealikeentitlcd to protection in all their rights. Does the colored tax-payer enjoy this protection? - No! Far from it. He is denied a.right otherwise universal. He is thus politically degraded, and that too in violation of the constitutional provisión cited. - Social degradation follows; society consigns him to a lower place; he is shorn of the most cherished Dolitical right, is incapacitated for political manhood, and is rendered unhappy by the hand which should have ministered "benefit." This is wrong. The committee believo that government should discharge its dulies to every citizen, of all creeds and colors. Another argument in favor of the colorea sufFrnge is derived from the third clause of the first article of the constitution. It says; - "No man or set of men are entitled to exclusive privileges;" yet that very same constitution, in direct conflict with this democratie doctrine, proceeds to confer "exclusive and separate rights," of the highest order, on a particular set of men, namely, the whites. - The palpable inconsisteney should certainly be remedied; two modes present themselves - either to abolish the word "white," as prayed for, or to retain it, and insert it in the above clause, so as to make it read "no white man or white set of men are entitled to exclusive privileges," &c. A fourth reason for favorable nction is found in the known fact, that the intorosts of a stato are best promoted bythe intelligentie and happiness ofits pie. Make them feel the blcssings of education and independence, extend kindness, Hberality and justice to all, andevery man becomes devoted to the ntcresls af Ihe collective body; but reverse these, i ind er.inity results, deep in proportion to I the value of the righlsdenied. I f the i terests of a class are made small and their posit ion be also degraded, crime and i rage are the almost certain result. i The present colored population of the I State s under 1,000, probably about 800. That number is in the Stato and will conlinuo in it, sufTrnge or no sufirage. - I What should be done with them to prom'ote State interests? Common sense nnswers, make them feel as part of the people - give thern a stake in society, an interest in its welfare; let n good name be an object to them. Do this, and good citizenship must follow these resistless inducements. But reverse t, and legislate , them into inferiority, and if they are not 1 found amongthe law breakers of the day, it will not be for want of legislative stimulant. Such are some of the views which the subject presents. They commend themselves to the favor of every citizen; far more should they impress this legislature with their importance. To it have been committed for a sédsön the interests of the people; we claim to represent democracy, and to be góverned by its principies. From whöm then should the assertion of ihese principies come, if not from us? The measure demanded is a part of this assertion, and if we prove traitors to it; if toe dare not even send it to the people for disposal, it may yet find protection at hands opposed to democracy. - Around foreign brows will then be encircled Iaurels that democracy might have worn, but spurned, and the triumphs of her peculiar principies will castan unnatural honor on their ascertor. Thus principies will be confounded,distinctions will be blended; and the erquirer for a sterling democracy, will pause in his doubt between the antagonist claims of the one,,vho would not, and of the other who dm, ;arry out in feurless consistency, the prinïiples of taxation, representation, crsnl sufFi'ngc, no great class privileges, mdthe paternal duties of government. These reasons induce your commit:ee to report favorably to the petitioners' prayer. lst. Because of the great great principie involved - the Siamese brotherhood of taxation and reprcsentation. 2d. Because the danger to the suflVage principie by tampering with it. 3d. Because the precedent such tampering affbrds for the most odious restrictions. 4th. Because of the debt due to the governed, and our constitutional obligation ín that behalf. 5th. Because of tho constitutional provisión against exclusive privileges. 6th. Beeauseof the promotion of State interests. 7th. Because of the peculiar claims on democracy to carry out its principies. An 8th reason is found in the unutterable littleness in taking from a class, year after year, the means of supporting our government, of paying our governor, judges, legislators, &c, and yet disfranchising the payers from voting, and from representntion. There is not a member of the present legislature who hns not in his pocket ihe money of the disfranchised, and politically degraded tax payer of color. A 9th reason is suggested in the preposterouspuerility of making color a qualificqtion for sufFrage. To deny the right to a man bom en our soil, whose father fought with O'jrs for American indopendence; who is sane, crimeless, a tax payer, and a good citizen; and to deny it only because the Creator's sovereignty dictated the color of his creature's skin, is a procedure, in your committee's opinión, beneath the digrrity of a sovereign people, claiming intelligence, and animated by a just self-respect. But if even the qualification were just, it is objectionable because of its uncertainty. Who is to decide ihe fact or the quality of color? Many persons wholly devoid of African blood, are yet more dark than whito in color. On the other hnnd, many of African descent are as white as Ihe fairest in the land. There isa third class, the mulatto, neither white nor black; hc is a half, or three-fourths, or nino-tenths white, as it may be,or vica versa. Who is to decide the precise legal shnde of such persons1? Perhaps the casual thinker deerns the decisión easy, but he difiers much from Ohio experience. - In that State ihe law bas had a vexed subject on this point. The mulatto citizen, denied his vote, appealed to the laws. - At length it was decided, that if white blood preuominated, the man was white. Thia decisión, howevcr,butaddcd anired fold to the difhculty. The old ■ iers being down, a flood of mulattoes joured in, claiming the legal whiteness. ' ccurate decisión was impossible, nnd nt ast tho courts were obliged to advance inother step: they decided that any white jlood constituted a white man. The next , hing will probably be ihe full black claimng white blood, ani that thus this unnatjral qualification of color, rcpugnant to i ;ense, to feeling, and to principie, will eb roken down by itsown inherent weaktiess. In Detroit, too, sotne colorcd pereons were )ermtted lo vote at ihe last election. In yrur!committee's opinión the on!y retrictions on sufïroge should be infancy, aberation of intellect, nggravated crime, want of :itizenship. Your committeo nov proceed to consider he objeclions, 6O far as they know them, to olored sufirage. l6t. The objector says the colorcd man is :f a race inferior, and intellect weaker, tban ;lioee of the wliite man. Neither hisiory nor experience sustains the abjection. On the contrary, they conclueively refute it. Like otlier nations, África had Ijer season of glory. During it 6he was one of the most powcrfiil nalions of the world. - Her black Hnnnibal will ever be fonnd in the catalopue of the Cesara ond Bonapartes. - The limits of a report, however, forbid en'argement. In modern timep, one of the reatest wn Iers oftbedy, celebrated for hia intellect, and brilliant talent, omid the most brillinnt capital in the world, Paris, is Alexander Dumas, a colored man. Europe'a first men detm hs arquaintance an honor. Many olher instances might be tnentioned. In this state the object ion is decisivelv exposed by the pub lic exhibition of high talent in colored men under the most unpropitiouscircumstnnces - The committee allude to the many public addresses in Ihe state by persons bom in slavery, and denied ed'jcation.Tn estimating the intellect of colorea men, iufficient allowance is not gene'ally made for c he effècts procluced on a race by continued c iervjlnde Mid a denial of education, during1 a v ;eries of generalions. Reverse tlio sittiation r f theAfricun aud the Etiropem- make the . jne the master, ond the olher the slave for t :enturies, and the white man will possess the j upposed characieristic8 of natural inferiority; to jlluslrate this the comtnittee quote tho , lowing passage from the celebrnted American traveller, Steeven? - sre his Greece, Turkey ind R1IS8Í&. vol. 2d, Harper's editioo, page 40: , 'I wns Ibrcibly struck," says he, "with a . allel lietween the white serfs of the noilh ol Europe, and African bondsmen at home. - The Russian boor generally wanting the comforts which are snpplied to the negro on our best ordered plantations, npneored to me to be not less degraded in intellect, character and personal hearing. Indeed, the morks of physical nnd personal degradation were so strong, that I wos insensibly compelled to abandon certain theorie-? not uncommon among my countrymen at home, in regard to the intrinsicsuperiority of the white race over all others. Perhaps, too, this impression wns aided by my having previously met with Africans of intelligence and capacity, standing uprn a fonting of perfect eqiinlity as 6oldiers in the Greek army and the Sultans." But some may ask, do not the moral habits ofthecolored people place tliem below the whUes? Yonr comniittee has been assured by citizens of Detroit well qualified to judge, and etitiiled lo full credit, that the moral hubiid of this people ai e butler than thoseof en equal nnd average number of the whiles.- The colored population of Detioitis about 300. It has two churches, Hvo sabbnth schools, a day school, a temperance society, a femaie benevolcnt eociety, a young men's lycuum and debating society. Over 250 regularly attend the churches. The official trpori of the Detroit echool committee for the past ye.ir states the co'ored children between the ges of 5 and 17 are 109, and that of these 68 attended school; a proportion very greatly exceeding that of the children, eveo after mak ng every possible allowance. Of the forty one not attending pchooljtome doubtless were hired out. ond received educalion- others received at home; some vere detaiued by illneis perhaps, or want of proper clolhing, so that the number tvho voluntarily abstained from edneation was trifling. This important fact is very significant of the people's hubitt. The fnme lacts ore nlfoshown in the colored population of VVat-litenaw. In that conrUy thereare mony colored farmers of liie highest respeccabil-ty, and they are, without one exception, among the most honesf, industrious and moral of the community. They nre independent in circumstances, good citizene, and encouragers of schools, churches and morality.The I cavíes t pet tions for their franchise linve come from ihat qnarter. Again. co'orcd propio ore rorcly foiind as criminuU-, or in poor houses. Their population ismuch less thon Iliat of the whites. - Thoy ore not mendicenls- do not burthern tle country, but mnke an honost living-, spite pf the dis.idvontages of prrjudice and legisla - tive degradution- of denial to office, and a .social interdict to professions. All tlupj too, hile mony of thom have come froni Uie soulh, poor and friendless to a new climate, and nmonj strangers- hnving experienced in linv but on instri:n)ent ofoppression, and with otir border nver or.ly between lliem and iinmunity from any deeds they may commit. A third and popular objection to colored frnncliise, consia'.s in thu allegation, that the mensure will flood tbe State with colored people The objection is not reasonable. Il supposea íhat the power to vote once or twiceduring the year, will congrégate population, and overeóme tho natural lawa wliich now i scatterit. But thia isan error. Populaiion ] congregates in obedience to n far higher power i ihan that which is supposed. Want and terest oro the motives which díctate ( ment, ond are so sovereign as to defy competitioii. Men will live whera they can bst promote their interests, and population will be dense in pro por! ion to the extent of loca! i ndvantages. These are ihe king motives ' which diciate the law of settlement. The black no less than llic white man bows to their sovereignty. To suppose that these great In ws of nature can he overeóme by the power to vote once or twice in the year, is contrary to reason. Experieiice also disproves the objection. - Four States give colornd snffrage. In Maine, Massnchusetts and Rhnde Island, it is unqualified. In New York it has a property qualification of LL50 in personal property. - A fifth Slate, Ohio, gives t by legal decisión. If franchise aitracta settlemenf, its magnet power would have been exhibited in the heavy colored population of these States. But no such result has ensued. Eoch Slate has its due proportion of colored population and no more. In Rhodc Island, the last northern Stato to abolish flavery, the colored tax payer has ong been an unrestricted voter. Wherl the present constitution of the anti-Dorr party, was submitted to the people, the conlinuance of the colored sufirage was al-o Eubmitted to he ballot box. It was confirmad by a vote almost nnanimous - less llmn one hundred voting agiinstit; a conclusive evidence, thnt no evils had followed from colored suffrage. Some object to the euffrage on the supposition, thatit will bc thrown witli a particular party. The objection is n very trifling and unworthy one. A population of onethousam5OU13, ihe omside nmnbor ot our colorea , nlation, will cast about one hundred and fifty vote3 ín the whole State, of wlrch the last vote wes over fifty five thousand. The party to whosenumber one hundred and fifty wculd bc a senstb'e addition, must be very bmall, indeed. But funher; to withold sufTrge, cause the voter wïll obey the dictates of his consciencc or judgmcnt, ond will not vote with this or tbat party, would in fact be a: forcible nvosion of the freedom of the ballot I hox - a measure tnore suited to thelalitude of Algiers, thon consonant to the hoDest iutle pendencc of American freemen. Experience, however, does not warrant even this unworthy cbjection. The colored votes in olher States are not cast in mass for nny party, but are 6cntiered occordinjr to private At profent, but one pcliticnl party advocates, as a parly n.casure, colored sulfrage. So far, it is the parly of this disfranchised clu6s, and wil! possess ils sympathies while the relation of advocate and advocated remnins ; but the nght once granled, this sympathy wtli ceasc; the bonds ofunionwill be dissolved, and the new voters will be minglcd with the mass, and governed by the eome tnotive which sway it. The colored voter is a man; the conscience, the judgment, or the interest which governe white suflrege, will also dictnte that of the colored. The committee are not nware of olher serious objfctions to the projiosed measure, than eniunerated. They are - lst. The alledged inferiority of the colored race. Lnd. Their moral habits. 3rd. Their anticipated congregation in Michigan.4tli. Their voting for a particular pirty. These objections hn ve been examined and disproved. But waive their weukness, ond ndmit their existence, even then they are but a fenther's weight against the mouienious principies this report ha3 set forth and enumerated. The otijections, even though true, are bul those ofcuste, ofsocinl preference, or of prtjudice. Can such considerations compénsate tlie viola! ion of great principies and the tuter departure frotn democratie doe trine These views alone wnuld induce your committee to make a favorable report. But another consideration also dictates a like con clurion. The committce beüeve t!at llie time has nrrivèd for referrin this question to tho sovereifn people. Public opinión hos materially changed on the subject eince our conslitution was formed. Eich year gives evidence of a jrrowing intertst on the topic, and on others incident to it. The ballot box of last fall spoke the sentiments of nearly fuur thousand votere. Alrcady the coiistiiu'.ional restriction lias been swepl away before the riing sentiment, and ihe colored man wüs permitled to vote iu Detroit, on an election of unprecedented interest, neiiher party hav'iDg the hardihood to offer a challenge on the ground of color. Petitions from vurious p&rlsof the Stato have spoken the eame septtmeftt, and not a wliisper has been heard against it.No pood iea.on exista wby the suhjVc r-honld notbe ntrusíetl with the people,- the source of all legislation - whilc so tnany renenns cal! for eiich a dispos! of t. It a ihe penple, and not we, who are tq dispose of the matter. Bc our opinions whnt they may,the will isour law. If tlie coinmiltee't views be right, the people will mslBin them. Ifwrongr thev will rcjpct; in either event, iheoporative law will be theirs. The action of this legislaturc, nt best, ís but pns.'ive. A barrier, a present, ntorvenes to the people's action. - We bnt toke down the bar.--, end tho people crrnsp the pubject, The next Ipgislaiiire will represent their vvit-he?, and on U will devolve the re?ponsibility. Bin meritcd would be the reprehensión on u?, hhould we prove to have arrayed ouiselves agsinst ihe people's wiJ). and tbis subject thereby paes intó otlwr liaude .J he only remaming queation is, whether lbo riglit to vote should be üureeiricted, as in Maine, Masj-nehusetia and Rhode itlan'J, or restncteri," aa in New York . The committeo ire of opinión tlnit it ought to be unrestricted. The reasons adduced in the report, if good at al!, go to this lengih. To gtvea restricled right would be doing neuherlbe one thing nor the other; neitlier a gront nor a refusal. The odious distinction of color wou!d still be preserved - a propeity qualification woulu be itroduced - in'egrity of principie would be urrendereil - precedent for fatal d'iEqualifica0113 wonid be rmruired - puerile distincons would be retained - justice to the govrned would be denied, and democratie priniples would still sletíp unvindicated, - the oon of their first honored asserter. In a word, every argument of thia repoit would ontinue unansivered. satisfaction would bf iven to no party: and such piebald legislaon would plnce ils mnker milch in the posion of him, who, between two 8toolsf feil to ie ground. And in return for the surrender of all theee ricelefes principie?, what would be gmned? - Volhing! absohitely nothing! No! let us ot talk of restricted EuflTrBge to citizen tax )ayer! Let us dure to be just- to be consistnt - to ba faithf ui to our principies; and let s not fear to speed the democratie principies f our repubüc on an untrammelled cáreer. - Above all, lei not tbeir young depository Michigan, be the firs to cramp their spirit nd 6tarve their operation. Your committee report the accompanying oint resolntion for adoption, which so propo6es to amend the constitution, as to permit colored suffrage, yet wil not exteud the right to Imlmns, il beioy sliil limiied to citizes3.