To The Electors Of Oakland Co.

The íbllowtng Addresa, in 6ubsiance, was adopicd at ihe Liberty Conveution in Pontiac, on the J5rh alt, and ordered to be sent to the Signal of Liberty for publication.Fellow CrnzEss: - Assembled as we arethisdny, to nominite candidates for the vaiious ofïicers to he filled at ihe ensuingelection.we are reminded, that in numbers. oiir party is weak. Il" uur candi.iatcs are elected, it must be by the aid of persons who havo not h t'ierto aced with us. We shall still remain in a small minority, unless a reepectable ntimber of ihem can be persuadid to cast in iheir lot with us. But wo are so firmly convinced of the impotance of our object and the re ctitudeand wisdom of our course, and also of the intelligente and pairiotism of many who have never acted with us, that we are encouraged to hope an appeal to them will not be in vain. - For we believe, that, oince we all alike desire the beet good of our country, and the highest interests of all men, if we have the aame facis anc considerations before dj, we shall eee and act alike. We would not be understood as thus ad'Irc8sing the lew unprincipled, reckless office 6eekers, who advocae any mensures, and belong to any party that will bring them popularity. - Such pereons must learn the first principies o truth and uprightness, before we can ask or desire iheir co-operation. But to the mess of honest voters wespeak with the hope and confidence that if we place distincily before your minds there.isons why we believe and act as we do, we shall eecure your confidence and hearty support. One favor we moet earnestly ask, and that is. tliat you will not dismiss tliis subject till you have faiihAiüy investigated, and decided upon every posilion that we advance; and then we will be 8ati&fied, if you tullow your own best judgmcnt. 1. Our first po8ition is that Slavery is beyond comparison the greatest evil now existing in our land. In proof of this we remark, 1. It tends. more than anythingelse, to foster a spirit of aristocracy, and to cradicate from the minds of the people the principies of republican liberty. The foundation of our government is laid deep in the people's hearts. While this fundamental principie is univeraally and firmly adhered to, that all men areby nuturecqual, and are endoved with the same inalienable rights. our go'ernment will remain impregnable; wc have nought to fear from its niightiest foes. - But let this foundation be sapped, and the opposite principie substantiated, that there should be in the same community, a labor ing class anda governing class, that the laboring class a e necessarily incapable of undorstanding theaffairs of 2ovcrnment, and our beautiful fabric will totter and fall, and in its placean aristocracy or monarchj' will arise. Now what but Slavery lends to promoie this dangtfrous sentiment? Who in the Frcc States ever dreamed of uttering such a doctrine! But in the Slave States, it has not unlrequently escaped the lips of leading poliiic-ians. The cxisience of such a fact should alarm us, and arouse us to crush the evilbefore it grow beyond our reach. Slaveholdets already gov ern the country with our consent, they may soo do it in spite ofus. 2 Slavery, more than anything else, we hac almost said Slavery alone, creates sectional in teresis, and tends to produce internal jealousie and discord between the several States of th Union. The causes which produce these circum stances are various and numcrous, but they a grow out of Slavery. The States in which Slavery exists require, i some rcspect8, a different syetem of Iegielatio from the Free States. This will often lead t violent discussions in Congress; these discussion will be published throughout the country, anc enibitter different portions of the Union agains each o her. Slaves will constantly fleo to the Free States the inhabitant8 of which, having no interest i Slavery, but a strong and rlghteous sympath; lor the enslaved, will aid them in gaining thei freedom. This'will enrage ihe slaveholders anc provoke them to violence in revenge. Colored people in the Free States will be seiz cd by blavtholders as sla ves, the northern peopl will sympathize with these claimcd as slaves Iitigntion8 and often violence will ensue, all ten ding to disunion. Inhabitants of the Free States will too freel denounce Slavery in the Slave States, or led b a righteous sympathy. wilJ direct some Slave t freedom. Thisbeing discovered, they will b mobbed, or triedby a Slave code, and imprisone( or otherwise punished, and dissatisfaction at th North is the consequence. Colored citizens o the North will be take fiom ships in Southern harbore, without eve being charged with crime, and detained in cof to dy till the sliip departs, or longcr, and thu whoic States will be arrayed against each oth er. Different religious denominations and benevo lent a8sociationswill have frequent and violen discussions on the subject of Slavery, and in ma ny instiinces will divide with mutual dissatisfac lion, and will publish thcir mutual crimination through th length and brcadth of the land. Governors if different States will mutuall demand of eachothcr fugitives from justice, an will mutually refiise compliance, and non-intcr coursc will be declared.These nnd mnny other causes are now tending and will incrensingly tend to promote discorc and disunion between the different portions o the Union. This tendency the ibes of our republic are looking upon with malignnnt eotiafac lion, b-jt it8 friends wi;h the deepest nnxiety anc jolicitude. When Slavery ends, all tendency 10 distninn will cease; but whüe Slavery continúes this tendency will every year increase. Our on ly hope thnt this Union will be preserved rest upon the hope that ihioonly bane of our Uuion will die. 3. Slavery, more than any thing else in the Union, tends to promote inimoraliiy and crime. It h.-ia in selfiahncse: and the wholc inifrcourseof maaiers and alavés tenda to excite tnd -cherish the basest of pnssiona. And, as their owh publicatiöns nbundantly these posaons oftcn break irr . ihcir intercourse wiih-íacbojbwt.'-Thcr. faeL;that gcailcmcn at the South alaiffX amTtriaJlj.cany 8b9ui tbeirionö weapons of death, whatisitbut their uniersol tcstimorïy that they ara surrounded .by lhnns and cut throat. When has a disgracelul iflicuhy occurred in Congress, which was nol etween Nonhern men - or in which n Southern nan was not concerned. The fact is, when laor is regardtd as disgaaceful, and a large partion f the uomiiiur.iiy Kve in idleness, crime and isorder will abound. 4. Again, Slavcry, more thari aöy thing else, n tliis country opposes the spread of intelligence mong the common people. Where half the opulation is slaves. ihe free popubtion must, o( ourse, be sparee, and common schools are susnined wjth the greatest difficulty; consequently ve find in theSlave States n much larger proportion of the free inhabitants who cnnnot rcad, han we do in the free States. 5. Slavery, more thanany thing else, diminshes the physical power of the nation. The Slaves can have no interest in a governmcnt 'rom which they have received nothing but oppression and injustice. It needs no argument to prove that fin peace, they are a constant terror tothewhites, andareonly kept from insurrection by ihe utmost vigilance, in war they would e with our enemies.Once armed and fired with a prospect of liberty, they would be our most dangcrousenemies. The St. Domingo tragedy, butgreatly increased, would be re-enncted in our midst. In case of a general insurrection of the Slaves, nll that most of the Slave Staiea could do, would be to oppose them; agoinst a foreigrf enemy they would be powerless. There, then, we have in our midst, three milliona of enemies, and in addition to thce many thousands of fugitives on our northern frontier, waitinjj with anxieiy íor an opportuni-y to parchase with blood the freedom of their wives and children stillin bonds. An enemy would not be long in discovering our weak spots, nor slow in attacking us there. Libérate these slaves and make ihem friends, and wo are fortified on every hand. 6. Butagain, Slaveryis the cause of more pe cuniary embarrassment ihan any thing else in ourland. We cannot dweil on this subject now but it can be shown, and has often been shown beyond the possibiliiy of a doubt. In a community whero a large portion of the inhabitant8 live in indolence and afluence, an the laboring portion take no interest in their labor, but to do aslittle as possible, with as little care as possible, poverty must be the consequen ce. 7. Slavery more than any thing else tarnishes our nhtion'a glory. Whereas we might be the object of universal admiration and csteem, Slavery has mnde us the object of universal scorn and dension. While we haveprociaimed to the world that all men are created eqtial, and have shed our blood tomaintaiu the truth, we have deprived asixth part of our inhabitants oi ever] right. "White we proclaim that all men are free in sight of our Nation's Capítol, we proiect by law one of the greatest slave markets on the face oftheeath. Our nation is an example ot' the greatest inconsistency and the most arrant hypocrifly that the world has evar seen. 8. Slavery, more than any thing clse, bazzards the dearest righfs and interests of all our inhab itans. It alone has trampled on the right of pe tition; it alone has plundered and robbed ou mails: it alone has interferred with the freedom of the presa, and destroyed the property amlives of our citizens. for an honest expression o sentiment; it nlone has imprisoned our cilizene uncharged with crime; it has originated almos every mob that has disgraced our land; it ha done more than all things else, to promote in- 8urrection and inEubordination to law. Slavery begun and is eustained from beginnng to end by nothing but lawless violence. Let its influcnce exiend a little farther, and justice, equit; and law are at an end. 9. Slavery has already plunged us in one dis graceful war which cost the nation filty million of dollars; and now we are on the verge of another. All our d'sturbance with Mexico ha orignnted in Plavery. If we are in danger o war with any olher nation Slavery invites them on, and gives them hope of success. Slavery i almost the only thing from which as a natio we have any thing 6erious to fcar. If any on cntertains n doubt as to the permancy and pro priety of our government, that doubt origínate in Slavery. But wc must hssten. The half has not bee told, and what has been told. has been onl hinted at, yet enougb hns been said to show tha slavery is an evil which towere above all othe political evils in our land, and sinks them int comparativo insignificance. 11. Secondly, slavery is byfar the most cp pressive and iniquitous system in our country, j 1. Its greatest outrages are inflicted on th slave. It deprives him of every right that ca be named, and reduces him as far as possible t thecondition of a brute. It subjects him to th perfect control of the master. We do not spea at random here, we know what we say, ant whereof we affirm. The language of the slav code is, "A slave is one who Í6 in the power o a master to whom he belongs, the master ma sell him, dispose of his person his industry anc his labor ; he can do nothing, possc68 nothing nor acqui re any thing but what must belong t his master." Ín this condition slaves are hel in all the êlave States. And here we reaffirm that they are eniirely undcr their mastcrs' con trol, and have no more rights than their cattl or swine. Wo speak not hero of a few case which may be regarded as exceplions, we spea of the universal rule. Those alavés who ar treated best are in this condition. We cheerfu! ly admit that many staveholders confer favor upon their slaves, in consideiation oí their bein human beings, but this is at their own option the slave has no more legal right to them tha the In-rist of the field. Tf any doubt this state ment, a little cross questioning will set the mat ter straight. Have your slaves a right to property 7 We ol ten give them time to labor for themselves. - But have they a right to this, can they hold it b. Inw 7 "All that a slave possesses must belong to hir master." Have your alavés a right to mak contracts7 They often do make contracis witl iheir masters to buy themselves but these con traéis are not recognized in law. Have they a right to niarry? We allow them to associate a husband and wife. But have they a right to do this? and s the relation sacredf It is all at the plcasurc of the master. He may forbid the unión, or dissolr it at pleasure ; and the slave can have no legal redress. Can the slave in 8truct and train inschildren? just as the master pleascB. Aseoon as they are bom the children are slaves, and the masicr may sell them, and dispose of their persons at pleasüre. Have sfaves a right to travel from one place to anoiher, or from one arm to another? Not withou the master's leave. Have tiiey a right to delend themselves and families against injury and insult7 - [fa elnvo [litis his hand against his master tic may bo'lawfuliy But ennnot llaves apply to th law for redu-ïs, in Cttse of being injurcd7'hero are lawï regulating their punishment, bod, clothing &c, Bnt can the alavés Becure ie execution of theso laws? A slavo eau nevr be a party to a suit in law. A white man, if ie pienses moy prosecute in behnlf of a alave. ' uit no coloree! person can bc a witness. A ' er may sta ve his slnvc to death and unless a white person piense to proseoite in the slave's , ehalf, and can prove the factby white witness8, ihe tri-ster cannot be punishéd. A marter may whip a lave to death, or chop him to pieces n the preschcè of a dundred other slaves, and ïese elaves may teil the ntory and the commuity máy bëlieve tlicm, but nnleaa some whiie erson wna preeent to witness it, the mastcr annot be punished unless it be by a mob. There is haHly a possibility of placing one lurrinn being more completelv in the power of nolher, than thesluve in the power of his maser. Jf oppression coneists in depriving persons f their inalienable rights, it is impossible that a eople should be more oppressed than the slaves of this country are-. If we desire that our counry should be the asylum o( the opptessed, intead of their prison, a house of refuge instead of hlaughter, a land of rcjoicing, instead of wailng and tears , if we would respect ourselves or enjoy rhe respect of others, if we would have the 8miles of the infinite God, and not his frowns, ihis moral and polilical cáncer in the henrt of nur nation must be eaten ou. These consideraiiona, we are aware, will have little wcighi w;th tliose who care lees fjr jnst'ce nnd equity than for wcalth and power; but to such our addre8$ is not directed. They are a curso to any party to which they belong, and we hope they will remain asfar as possible (rom ours. 2. But again, slovery is cxceedingly oppressive against ihe free blacks. It esposos tliem to be kidnapped and reduced to slavery. It prohibits them travelling in some of the States, on pain of becoming slaves. It crentes and fosters a base prejndice agninst them, above which it is almost impossible to riso. It leads to pardal and oppressivo legislation in reference 10 them, in almost cvery part of the country. In most of the States they are deprived of the electivo franchise. In a majority of them they aro deprived of the right to testify in a suit where a white man is a party. In most of the States they are taxed without representation. In some of them they are reqnired to give bonds for their good bchaviour ; and Imin one at least they are entirely banished. Throughout the country they are a despised and oppressed people, and slavery has it to answer for.3. Slavery is more oppres6ve than anything else to the laboring white man. It compela him to compete witli thoee who labor without wages, and n the slave States, by rendering labor disrespectable. it reduces him in point of rspectability and influence, almost to a levcl whh the slaves. 4. Itis opprcssive to the free State colllectvely. In apportioning direct ta.ves. we pay more in proportion to the number of inhabilants than they do ; in the distribution of the revenue. they receive mere in proportion to the number of votera than we do. As far as they faïl in arreara in pnying for the transportaron of the mails we pay it for them, and then sometimos are liablc to have (t plundered. In peace we are liable to be called upon to put down nsurrections among their slaves, and furnish 6oldiers to protect the coastwise slave tradc. In war we defend them and fight their battles. while they stay at home and protect their slaves, and keep them from in snsurrection. While they add almost nothing tothe physical strengt h of the nation, and in a pecuniary point of view are a burden to us : while they fill the country with discord. and heap disgrace upon us, and threaten the notion whh utter ruin, they have a representation in Congreea that enables them to govern the country. Slavery is a system of oppression and iniquity, in all its tendencies and relations from beginning to end, compared with it all other po litical mensures, in this country, sink into entire insignificance. III. For all this evil, disgrace, and iniquity, the nation is responsible. In proofof this we remark : 1. Slavery and the slave trade exist in the District of Columbia, where Congress has exclusive jürisdiction and they do not aboíish it, or make any motion towards it. If any doubt whether Congress has power to abolish slavery in the District, a brief examination will settle the matter. (1.) Who established slavery ín the District Í It may be said slavery was established ihere by the Iaws of Virginia and Maryland before it was ceded to Congress. Trüe, but did not Congress reennct those Iaws? Cerfainly, and if they had not they would have beetí nuil and void. Canhot Congress repeal the Iaws whiöh they have made? To doubt it is folly. (2.) It ís said Congress ought not to nbolish slavery in the District with the consent of the oftheSlates to which it originally belonged. Butwhynot? Did Congress agree never to abolish slavery there without their consent? Certainly not. Why then would it wrong Virginia and Maryíand, more to abolish slavefy ihere, than it did the free States to establish it there? Have those States more interest in the District than Michigan has? By no means. Are fhey more interested in slavery than we are in Creedom ? They suiely ought not to be. - Why then shoüld the wishes of those States be consulted more than the wishes of other States ? Of what possible use would the District be to us, if we cannot govern it, without the consent of any particular State?(3.) I f Congresscahnot abolishslavery there, what potter can? No other power has any authority there. Are tve Ihen doomed to have eternal slavery in the District? It is said individual slave holders can libérate theír slaves. True, but they cannot make slaVery illegal. All (he nhabitants of the District cannot abolish slavery there, so but that any person may revive it again, whenever he pleases. Either congress can obolieh it, or it cannot bo oboliehed.(4) But it is maintained that Congress :annot abolish it without paying for the slaves, O, very well, what we maintainsd is that they have a right to do it, and while they reftne to do it, they sanction all the slavery and slave trading in the land, and we are responsible for t. Not only has Congress power to abolish slavery in the District, but the establishment of it, was a direct and gross violation of the constilulion. While Congress has exclusive jurisdiction over the District, this jurisdiction is to be exercised according to the constitution. Now we ask, what article of the constitution gives power to deprive a person of liberty without due process oflaw? What arttcle gives power to pass bilis of attainder, whereby the condition of a slave shall be conveyed from faiher to son, by a taint of blöod? How can a constitution whose avowed object is to "establish justice" give power to trample on all juslice, and all right? 2. Congress has sanctioned slavery by admitting eight new slave States to the Union, since the adoption of the constitution. And in all of them slavery was established while they wereterritories under the jurisdiciion of Congress, in violation of the constitution. Congress hac no more right to allow slavery in these territones, than in the District of Columbia. 3. The nation sanctions the internal slave trade, anj s responsible for it. - The first article of the constitution, Section 8 gives Congress power uto regúlate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several Stales, and with the Indian tribes." Acting under this article Congress has abolished the A frican slave trade, and they have the same power to abolish the trade carried on between the States. This trade is fraught wilh more evil to the slaves than any other feature of the system, and it is the principie thing which renders slavery profitable to the breeding States. Let this trade be abolished, and all the heort rending separations that result from it would cease at once; and eventuully it would lead to the abolition of slavery in several of the more northern slave holding States. 4; Congress proterts the coastwise slave irade. As the laws [of the States cannot extend over the Ocean, all ship engaged in this trade would be liable t be taken as pirates, but for the protec tion of our navy. Thus the nation is re sponsible for the trade. 5. Congress has enacted a law for (h return of fugitive slaves to their master when claimed. As no article of the con stitution strictly construed requires suc a law, sfiïl the nation is responsible fo it, for the natiun ádopted the conslitu tion, and can nmend it. In these and other ways the nation has given itssolemn sanction to slavery, and is justly chargeable with all its disgrace and guilt. We believe that Congress might take such steps ns lo secure the u niversal abolition of slavery, at no distan day. IV. We believe (7ial no politica? par ty is loorthy of our confidenee and sup port. ichose first and chief object is no the overthrow of slavery. It needs no argument to prove, tha that evil which is fraught with the great est injus(ice, to the greátest numbe which is mostopposed to the principies o our government, which is the greates disgrace to the country, which produce the most división, which causes the mos pecuniary embarrassment, which mos promotes Jgnorance and Jmmorality which most diminishes our physica strength, which fearfully threatens ou existence as a nation, which, in shor towers above and sinks into comparativ insignificanceall other evils in the coun try; we say thrtl it needs no argument t prove that such an evil demands the firs attention of every political party an every votèr in the land. We repea therefore, as one of our first principie that no party, and no candidato for office is wort h y of our support, whose first ob ject is not the overthrow of slavery. On who does nol seethaf slavery is thegrea evil in the country, and the evil whic demands the mast vigorous and speedy opposition, is too ignorant of the affairs of the government, to legislate for its benefit; and one who knowing these things wil! not act accordingly, is too selfish and destitute of principie to be trusted with the responsibility of governing. V. But ncither ot the great political parties of the land hat made the overthrow of slavery its great object, or one of its objects. So far from if, no one measure that tends in the least to overthrow slavery hos been adopted. No bilí has been introduced for the abolition of slavery in the District or the Territories. - Neither party has opposed the reception of new slave States. Nor has either part)' as a party promised to do anything for the overthrow of slavery, or to adopt a single measure that looks that way. - But on the contrary both parties when in power have admitted new slave States, have appointed slave holders to a large majority of the nationsl offices, have legislated for siavery in the District and Territories, and to crown the Who'le, ! both bave recently asked ustovoteïolders as President of the United States, nd i vidual exceptions there have been ia both parties; a few individuáis have spoeen out mnnfully against slavery, but ïey have made themselves obnoxious o their respective parties, and in ome nstances have been censured, or rejected "rom their ranks; they feel that they are n a small minority. Neither of these parties thererefore is worthy of our support. They both seek he support of slaveholders, and are ready o do anything to please them. The great inquiry with them both is, nol what s right, and best for the country? But who shall ha va the ascendency? VI. We have, consequently, feit ourselves under thenecessity oforganizinga new party, on what weconceive to be the 5 right principies. To beidie and not vote at all, is to bury our talents; to support slavery is treason to the country. One course only remains us, this course we ïave taken and design to persevere till we triumph. Here we give a brief summary of our jrinciples. 1. We believe that Congress ought, in the most speedy and righteous manner to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. 2. We believe that Congress ought immediately to abolish the internal slave trade. 3. We believe that Congress ought to keep all the Territories free from slavery and admit no more new slave States. 4. We believe that the law by which fugitives from slavery are delivered up to their masters should be repealed, and if there ís an article of the constitution which can rationally be construed to require süch a law, that article ought to be amended. 5. That article of the constitution, which, in determínlng howtives and direct taxes shall be apportfoned among the several states, requires that three fiftlis ofacertain class of persons be counted, we believe ought to be amened. Ifany class of beings should be counted at all, they should all be counted. Ifthey ara property, none should be counted; ifthey are persons, all should be. 6. We believe that no national office ought to be given to a slave holder. - Thoir ir.fluence will entirely go ngainst liberty. 7. We believe that Con gress ought to use every righteous and constitutiona] means tö discountennncö slavery, and to effect its universal abolitiou. 8. We believe that the several states ought, in the mostspeedy, safe and rigfneous manner, to repeal all their laws which make a distinction among men on account of color. 9. We believe that all the free State ought to prohibit their public officers, and private citizens, from aiding in any manner in delivering fugitivo slaves o their masters. If, the law of Congress on that subject must be enforced, let it bedoneby national officers, and not by State officers. The States are under no obligation to furnish officers to execüte the law of Congress. It is not required that etery member should fully nssent to every article in this creed, the only test of membership is through opposition to slavery in word and deed. Ifitbeasked what our views are on other important mntters that concefn the governmënl, we answer the party, as r party has not taken grounds on those subjectsj yét any one who has had íhe rending of our standard periodicals canuot have failed to see, that though the party is composed of conflicting materials, there is now a very general agreement among them, and that their principies are thoroughly democratie, öpposition to all monopolies and all fa vori teism must gröw out of the principie of equal rights. Our candidates have ever held themselves ready to answer respectful inquines from any source, or any subject; and we doubt not as our prospects become more flattering, a tsry general expression of sentiment will be given on all matters that concern the welfare of the country: but í f we should find ourselvesdiffering in smaller matters, we shall stand united and fírm a round our grand central principie equal r ights to all men. This is our party, and theue are the princi pies to which tre are immutably fixed, The longer any other party with Oppoaite principles looks to us for support, the longer ref they destined to defeat, and the sooner the honest portion of ourfellow citissens will nlly a round our standard, the soorrer will our country be delivered from the iron roisral of hsughty nristoernts, and unprincipled demagoguea We are sometimes askcd, is there not difference betweon the two leading partietia the countryj is not one lesc favorable to slavery than the other, and of two evita chooe the least? We answer, Bome of os readily aiJmii that there is a difference between these partios and that of twoevils wc should clioose the lrnst, when there is no tbird thng tbat can be more properly cbosen than either.- But we have never yet scen ourselves in tbif predicament. Oiir aim bas been to bring tht question of slavery as speedily as poesible before the nation, and rcake it the great diTÍdiog question between the parlies tbat sbal) herufiqraakc tbVJeaÖ'." Tó accomplieb thifl w hn-vc eought to gain the balance of pow tP