Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty

To William Goodëll, lísa' - Dr. Sir: having perused with deep interest, your letter to our mutual friend S. B. Treadwell, Esq., of20th June last, and believing some of your positions unsound and erroneous, and some of your illustrations unfortunate, permit me in a spirit of candor and kindness, to point out some of the particulars in which I consider that communication subject to just criticism, and calculated to do mischief to the cause we both have sincerely at heart And let me assure you, it is from no disposition to criticize or find fault - from no vain desire to assume the attitude of a public controversalist, especially against one who is second to none in my respect and esteem, as a philanthropist, a christain, and a clear headed, earnest Liberty man. But from an ardent wish, which I am sure you will not fail fully and candidly to appreciate, to find, establish öh and enlarge the boundaries of truth. And I nm very happy to say that many of your arguments and illustrations meet with niy entire and hearty concurrence. But your comparison of the present Te-total abolil on Uhertij movement, with the partial temporalice platform, seems to be any thing but appropriate or happy. On the contrary, it clearly appears to me, that thal comparison would have been a singularly simple and appropriate onc ideaism, beside tho grent tc-tolaf, one (Zea of entire abstinence from oppression and wrong, moral, civil, political and religious - which gloriousand holy one-idea ïn part embraces almost every other idea of reform in the moral, civil, political or religious condition of all the people of all the land. And when I say that this great, one idea 'embraces ncariy every principie as a motive or a rule of action, I mean precisely what I say. For it hardly admits of a question, that if, in all our conduct as men, ciUzens and christians, of this great republic, we are guided by an enlightened, conscientious obedience to these rules or motives, we shall need no party crkeds rospecting Banks. Tarififs, Sub-Treasuries, Public Land Salo Moneys, Army or Navy; for all these, being in themselves mere matters of expediency, conscientious men wíl) Imve no düficulty, when the great moving, controlling causo of all trouble, jealousies, heart burnings and prayers s removed, in arraning thein satisfactorily, without party organizationsor machinery. In fact, it is susceptible of the clearest demoustration, that all or nearly all our Whig and Democratie strifes and quarrels respecting these and nearly all othermatters of governmental movement and action, have been the fruit.the bitter fruit, directly or remotely, of the great foundation wickedness, Slavery. But I must noiice one passage of yoür letter more You say, "The question of tarlff or tib tüHff i fio mere financial or dollar and cent question, any more than the question of slavery is a mere revcnue or dollar and cent question." Nou-, my dear sir, permit me to say, in this proposition is u most dangerous and glaring error- an ulter confounding df cause and efiect - a singular and inost unforíunatecomminglingofthing.smaZuwiin-se, with things in themselves innocent or indifferent. You justly hold that slavery is always wrong und sinful, because it is always oppression - ulways takes away inalienable, God-given rights. 3ut wlsere is the remo! est rcsemblance or comparison ín principie between that, and the raising of revenue by the pcople hemselves, through their ovii agents the jovernment, for the support and protecion of the riglits aud libe nies o f tbc same )eople? The seqüence you assump, cannot fol.'ow, unless you take the grour.d hat all government is wong and sinfnl. ior if a tnriíT, or any other mode can be so adjusted as to. opérate equally upon all - that is, so that all shall pay in pro por- ion to the protection they receive, and he mcans they have of paying; clear!, so lar from bcing sinful, such a tariffor node of rusing revenue For such a puríosp, would not only not be be sinful, but would be rightcous, benevolcnt - a duly. On the contrary, can nian-stealing, any nore, or half as rnuch as highway robbery, ever be so örganizetjj adjustcd or susained, as to be innocent or oven indifferent? The .statement of the question js stifiloient, lo produce the proper response n every intelligent, bonest bosom. It is not then, the tarifF which in principie, is pso facto wrong and sinfu1, as is slavery - but merely its details - its modus operandi, thal is, or may be, injudicious, inconveniont and unequal. Let these erors in its details be corrected, so that i'. shall opérate equally and rightcouslv and you will not pretend, I presume, that t vould besinful. But you may, porhaps, nnswer that it can never be made to oporate equally and juslly upon all men und all intorests. ín this opinión, while Slavery exists, I much incline to be with you, asa matter of fact (but not because it is nherently sinf-il,) and therefure, have for years urged that vvhile sïavery exists in our naiion, we ought to use our whole )over and influenca for the entirc aboliion of all tariils; because through the ariíTthe slaveholders avoid, alínost enrelv, contributing to the pecuniary support of gover nmont for tliö 12,000,000,000 of human property - yea, property in the souls of men - while that same property, which thus wholly escapes taxation for the support of goernment, is made the basis of a repreentation which has ever hitherto altogelher controlled all the interests of the nation; and which is outrageously unequal and iniquitous in its efFects; as thus one part of the property of the nation is representei in our legislation, while the other and greater part is denrived of this tource of power - thereby practically frustrating and destroying the great and glorious principio foí which our fathers fuugiit and bied in the great struggle of '76 - viz: "No taxation without representation." I perfectly agree with yoU that our Custom House syslern, our Army and Navy systems, together with a grct variety of other subjects, may and shöuld be re fonncd or aboüshed - and that probablv, no syslem for rai&ing a revenue can be so correct, just and cqual in its practical operalion, as direct taxation. Tho reasons for this are various and cogont - but one, itappears tome, issullicient. It is, that every tax-payer will then know how much he paysj and what proportion that bears to his neighbor who possesses the same meansalso pays- and consequently every man can know something at least about the expenditures of government, and basa direct nducement to watch the conductof his sej'vants, the olllce-liolders, while under the tariff' system, he can know nothing whatever of the matter. But why makc these subjects a part of our political creed as a party? In the first place, it is impossiblo noiv to anticipate what would be our true policy, in referenco lo these and many other subjects; if slavery were abolished. ín the second, our liberty platform, as alrcady nore than hinted, is broad enough to embrace every kind of reform, and I cannot but believe, it would be quite as absurd for us in advance to pledge ourselves to any particular course of policy, as to mere questions of expediency now, as for our revered sires, when they enlered upon the great revolutionary contest for the support of tho fundamental principio of republican liberty and right- ihat "tnxation without representaron" was anti-republican and unrighteous - nnd destructive of inalienable human rïghts; to have engrañed upon that emphatical one idea, the details of a system of municipal and commercial regulations. I go for pledging the Liberty party in the ötrorigeal tenns, that ichen in power - which day must, at no dislani period nrrive, if our government shall stand - they shall with all their wisdom, care and diligence, attend to all the interests of the nationi But I cannot now surmise, in what manner these interests will bo best promoted, when liié great, wickod, hindering cause of our social and political progress shall have censed, and the plague spot of all our political diseases shail have been removed, or cured. I must be pormitted in all candor and kindness to say, in reference to your argument against a tariff, Army, Navy, &c, as part and parcel of a system for tho support of slaver}', which you say iherefore should be abclished, it is like sulting off tho branches to kill the tree. Why not at once strike the giant irunklo he earth - then these branches, so far as hey are connected with or nccesssary to ihe system, will at once fall to the ground - at any rate, they will cease, so far as they are used to sustain the wickedness of slavery. As an answer to Mr. Treadwell's main posilion, your languagc ns well as argumsnts, respecting tlie "robberv of a protective tarift', or revenuc tnriif," is utlerly uncallcd for and inappropriate. For the same argument (if indeed, it be one) would prove all revenues drawn from the people for the support of government, to be "robberies." In fact, your position amounts to this - that because a measure, innocent in itselt', is injudiciously or even corruptly executeo', hcrefore the thing itself ia sinful and wrong - ';is robbery." A number of other topics occur in your letter, worthy of reinark - from sorne of which I dissent? ■ But tho length of this arlicle admonishes me not to enlargc. - I iherefore closo by say ing, th?.t I have ehdoavored for months, and with all the care which olher avocations would permit, to arrive at a satisfactory conclusión on thoquestion you and friend Treadwell have had under discussion, and have carefully suspended iny judgment until the present linie, délcrmined on so grand and important a subject, to avail myself of ampie time and means to think and act in ÜVa p remises judiciousl)', intelligently and calmly, and am now prepared to reaffirm the views I bad the honor to express in our Stale Anti-slavery Sociciy in Fobruary Inst, viz: That as a party we ought lo adherc steadil}' and solely to the the all-important, all-engrossitig, all-absorbing one idea cieedj of uncompromising hostility to slavery, and all its legionsof horrid appendages, which, while lliey exiüt. must coniin'je ihe fruitful parent of almost every other wrong, mischief and danger in our other fair and lovely land. Yours in all kindness.