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Mr. Bradley And Abolition

Mr. Bradley And Abolition image
Parent Issue
Day
31
Month
October
Year
1846
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

The last Marshall Expounder brings us the answer of Judge Bradley to certain antislavery inquines proposed to him by Dr, Thayer and others of Calhoun county. In some respects it is as Ihoroughly and straight-forward proslavery as could be asked. He thinks the extensión of Slavery beyond the limils of the original thirteen States is constitutional ; but says, - "The expediency of extending the Slave Trado is another question, and [ unhesitatingly declare my opposition to its further extensión, either in the creation of Territorial governments or the admission of new states with the right to hold either black or white in bondage, except on conviction for crime." He Delieves Congrcss has power to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia, and he "would i'avor any just and equitable measure by which it might be accomplished." The Internal Slave Trade is a more difïïcult matter. The constitutional power of prohibitingit is doubtful : its exercise woulc1 be impracticable - would produce a dissolution of the Union, &c. All moonshino. - But here is his pi'escription for abolishing Slavery :Slavery is a moral evil. It must be abolished by appeals to the moral scntiments. God, and Time, and Truth, will eradicnte it. To make men think right b)r the application of physical force, the iron hand of power, and the strong arm of the law, is not in accordance with the spirit of the age, the gospel dispensaiion,or the genius of our government." This is all gammon. True, Slavery xs a moral evil : but sois Murder, and Thcft and Arson,and Adullery,nnd Swindling. Should, therefore, all lnws ogaiiist these evils be done away, and the people lookto 'God and Time and TruMi' to protect their lives, persons, and property, without anyaction of their own ? Besides, the propo.sal of abolitionists takes j no cognizance of men's opinions, but of their actions.ïf Mr. Eradley does not believe in using "the strong arm of the huo" io make men act rigbi.-wliy does Ije not j renounce his prolcssion of lav.yer, get him a pair of saddle-bags, turn circuit preacher, and proclaim tliat "gospel dispc).isatio7i,'' he seems so much to levere ? Mr. BraJley will not gain any thing with sensible mor by such logic. He writes as though ho were himself a simpleton, or expected every body else was of that class. The last question was as follows :"Would yon, under any circumslances, help to elévate to office a.slaveholdet, or nis apologist ; nnd will you, if elecled, do all you can, constitutionnlly, to overthrow theslave power of tlus nation." To this he replies," "The firsl subdivisión of your last question I answer in the affirmutive. - VVhile at all timos I would prefer that the governinent should be adminislered by those whose interests are identificd with our own section, yet to accomplish this it is scarcely necessary to virtually disfranchise the citizens óf nearly one half of the statcs of this. Union. The oflicers of government should be distributed as equally as possible throughout the several states. The North and West have never had their due proportion. - Union, firmness and determinaron, on our part, will effect a change, and its accomplishment will not nece&sarily exclude every person who muy reside in other sections. The rights and interests af every state should at all times be considercd, and should one section make war jpon the rights of another, those who represent the injured should have the noral firmness to demand equal and e.ict justice."The reasoningof ihis reply does not meet the case in hand at all. The interrogators ask, "would you vote for Slavkholders for office ?" Mr. Bradley straightway talks about "disfranchising the citizens of om half the nalion," "excluding evcry person vvho may reside in other sections" than the North and West, &c. Nobodyhas hinted at any such thing. Nobody proposes to fill all offices with northern men. Let all the States have their just proportion of officers : but let slaveholders be excluded. Thcy compn'se but one seventieth part of the whole population of the Union. But Mr. Bradley talks as Ihough they constitated the entire South.We have noticed Mr. Bradley's answer at length, because, in case of his elcction, oiir readers will vish lo compare his practice withbis opinions as here set forth. He had, however, giren a fair exposition of hïsposiüon at the Baltimore Convention in 1814, in assenting tothc following resolution adopted by that body, which condemns abolition morally, politically, religiously and evcry other way you can fix it.Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the constitution, ío interfere with or control the domestic inslitutions of the several states ; and that such btates are the solé and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs notprohibited by the Constitutionthat all efibrts of the abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to inter'ere with questions ofslavery, or to take "ncipient steps in relation thereto, are íalculated to lead to the most alarming md dangerous consequeñees ; and that x such efibrts have an inevitable tendensy to diminish the happiness of the people, ind endanger the stability and permalency of tho Union, and ought not to )e countenanced by anyfricndto ourpoítical institutions".If Mr. B. shall be elected, we shall. see how much the people of the District have cause of gratulation in the substitu. tion of Bradlcy for Chipman.