Communications

Decir Trienis: - The least observation tnakes it apparent that the Liberty Party at present is in "ralher a bad fe." Ii is obvious that urJess some favorable change occurthe next election wil] find us greruly reduced in number, and the subscquent one annibilate us. Let us ponder upon our situation and the circumstances that have conspired to cause it; that if possible we may discover the remcdy and avcrt t!;o impending calastrophe. The leaders oftho party committed tvvo blunders in the orgaoization - either of them disastrous, the last worse than the fii-st,and both combined inevitably fatal. The lst consisted in the nonassumption of Constitutional Jurisdicción of Congress, over the whole slavery question comprising the requsite power to abolish slavery under State as well as Federal Government. Vei-y few cu'jbe in luced to join a party that acknowledged itself destitule of power to accomplish its own i objects. More especially at the expense ofsubverting the Constilution, a cliange gravcly brought against us, and to which our own confe.ssion often reiterated, of wanl ofconstilutional power over Slavery under the State Gvernments,secmed to lender us justly obnoxious. The ma"niiude of [bis error will be apparent whon we consider i ns untrue ns erroneous, when t can be shown incontrovertibly that the United States Constitu.'ion is an nntislavery document, and that various provisions of that instrument, together witli a fair literal construc! ion of that clause of Art 5 of nmendments, "No person shall be deprivod" of Liberty willisut due process of law," wouk' annihilate every vestige Slavery in the nation. Bul the lat errnr wns worse than the lst. lt was in not defining our position on all politica] questions nffecting the weliare of the peole, or necessarily connected with the support or rnovemcnts.or existenceol' the Government. True the lst national liberty convention sent forlh a kind of negativo dcclaration of sentiment s, in which to reflecling minds, there MM a íoler.ibly clear shadowing forth (iffirmalivelxj nf its principies, but as this was an exposition, not of whnt we would.lmt only of what we would not do, it wcs unheeded. Henee the Librrty party in the very nature of things, Jacks the essent al elements ofexistencp, for In its organization there is no provisión adequate to the pecuniary support of Government, and as time would be requisite to insure the complete overthrow of Slavery, under the most favorable ausjnces, before 'hey couJiJ be accomplished the organizatio11 by its inherent constitutional defects might fall lo ruin, and the whole schrme prove notliing more nor les than a bubblo to burst just in our verv grasp. I know it is assumed by those opposed to the adoption of a poüticnl creed, that the abolishment of Slavery would so chnnge the aspect of affairs that it is mpossible to foresee the roquisite poücy theraafter.Admit it, t what fullowí,that ro provisión should be made for the ex'igencies of the case until this can he effected ? Nay verily, and if the party cannot now in advance say upon wliat principies the Governmont shal! be administered in the intrim, what assurance have we that our Senators and Represematives can agrce afler their election upon the pollcy they wil! adopt? Henee it s to say the least, (Joubtful whctlier the party, giving it the President, Vice president nnd majorilies in botii houses of Congres?, would not afler all, like Lord John Russells cabinel. when called to the Premiership of the EnglLsh Government, display the strength of its own weakness, and fail in the accoinpliihment oí jts legitímate objects. This is an important considoration, but which so far as I have seen, hns been wholly overlooked by writers on both sides of ihe subject, and I conceivo one of sufncient magnitude to seitle and decide the qncstion. Let genilemen teil us on what principies the Government shall be administered, until the. abolition of Slavery shall render it obvious what policy wil! be most conducive to the general welfare. This is all we ask. It is not npcessarv to chain the party to a stake and sa y iís policy can never vary - can never adapt itself, or be ndapted to varying circumstances. Butitappears that in its orlgin manv of leaders had no idea that the oiganization was to be permanent. All I have to say on that point is,if the object was to creata a little poütical cipital to transfer to Whiggeryo Demcc racy for individual or party aggrandizement: thon woe to our leaóers, better far had we Bever adopied poütical nciion, than having so done "to have our head greated and our ears pinned back, and go down like Anti-masonry, in 1832, inlo the espacióos maiv of whigism. I wish to cali attention to the fact that our leaders in omiiting to insura permanence to our party.have overlooked those elements that are indispensible to even continued existence, have made us so short lived that our dissolution seems nrvitable before we have accomplished hc object-s of our creation. Whal then is llie remedyï Let us orgarjize on o permanent basis, ft would be better, on ihe prinoiple ' of Iwo evils ehoose tle least" to decide in favor of revenue Tariff or even incidental protectiön, tlian to neglect to embody the eiements of puütical existence: for even such a policy would insure sufficient permnnence to enable the party when in power to aboiish slavery. But let us mako a gigantic effort to reorganize on correct principies and on a substantial foundation. The theory advocated hilherto by theeditora of the Signal is sufficiently correct, for all practical or present pui-pose, addinj the assumption of constitutionnl power, to abol.'sh Slavery ! y the direct legislation of Congress, in the States os well as in the Territorios. Let the Central Committes ti.en take measures to cali a State Convention to be held n Oct. next, or some convenient season to decide lhe question for a Stale organization,nnd f so the general principies upon' which it sholl be based. And prepamtory thoreto let county mass meetings be held all over the State, simultaneously 01 in rapid sucecssion as should bc thoiight bast, at which outprincipies could be subjec-ted to the ordeal of thorotigh discussen, and deleeates appointed to the State convention fully instructed locarry out tiie principies and measures adopled nt the County meetings. Let oM Washlenaw lead off the van and ihunder forth ils declaratlon ofsentiments in tones (hnt shall thrill through every ear in the State. Let Mr. Beckley, or sonae competent lecturcr, be put into the fieW, and let measures bo adopted to insure n vigorous campaign nnd a State orgnnization on perfect principies. The question is oue of life, or death. Hencclet no one be daunted, let no one be detened from the fear that any of our old friends wil] desert up, for much as we love them we love our principies and the sacred oaiif-e of Freedom beller, and we must be prepared to submitto anv required snerifice to insuro its ultimate Iriumph. No one can hf Mprcted !o remain in a ship which all see & all feel to be sinking. This is the case with our present organization. Let us then unite to form ons around which the shaltcred hos'? of libertv mny ultimatcly rally froaa
mt t-crtain defeat, and march on to ceriain triumph and to viclory. J. VVEEKES. Kent Co . May 8, 1817 RemarksVc had some hesiiation about nsertng the proceding, ík neilher tho style of . its Conititutional doctrine."!, its anticip:i'.!onsconi-crning the Liberty party, iropqsaJ fur rcoigan'zation, at all coTi-OipOnd wiih oiir notions. But nally knowing the writer t bave been au old and zealous antislavery man, we thoögh-t it riglit to let himbe beard in commoH with otfieis. Wo will nol disöusshis positions no; but will just obserye, as uur opnwn,that ihose who tfre ] to organiza a National Reform viiislnvery party oannöt do itwhile of the" Liberty party. The irily wil! nol go inlo nnv such Tliis is a fact already si I o think suoh a party ndis..'■■, mu t stop out from the Liberty u (.Joodell and hls frinds .ïave do.ne, ond organize anew. But we will say no more upon th is que.4ion, as wc do nor wih to reopen a controverivasfullyand earpestly