Slavocracy

It is bclievcd, gcnerally, sf not universally, among6laveholilors, that a Slavocracy, or a govcrnment where slaveholders possess all the legislative and execulive power of the State, ís the best form of Government. Hcar what Plr. Calljoun said in the Senate, Janusry 10, 1840: "Wc repnrd it (slavéry-) as the most safe ondstable basis lor freo instilulions in the world. It is impossible, with us, ihat con-j fiict can take place belween labor and capital, whuh mtfkes it so difficult to cslabütfh and maintain fïee instilulions in i all wcalthy and highiy civüizcd nations,' where such institutions do not exist. - Every plantalion is a liltle commvnify, vviih a masteratits hcad, who concéntrales! in himself ihe unitcd interest of capital and labor, of which he is the common rcprescnlaiive." Read, in connection with this, the senti-J ments of M'Duffie, as expiessed in his message to the Legislalure in 1836-7: - "Do-i mestic 6lavery, therefnre, sof ar froin hcing a poliiiccd cvil, is the corner stone of our re-, publican edifico." "It will w fortúnate for the non-sIaveholliníT States, ifthey are not,' in less íhan a qtiarter of a century, drivento the adoption of a similar inslitution." "In a word, the institution of slavery svpersedes, the necessity of an order ofnobility, and all the olher appendages of a hereditary sys- tem of Government. If our sla ves were emancipaled, and admitted, BLEACF1ED or! unbleached, to an cqual participation in our; political privileges, what a commentaryj ahould we f-arnish upon the doctrines of the emancipationists, and what a kevolting spectaci.t: of republican oquality should we exbibit to the tnockery of the world.'' We vvish the Democratie working men of Michigan, to noüce Ihat these eentimenls are put forth by two great apostles of Dcmocrory and equal rights - by those who were or.ee in full alliance with them. They here give you to undersland, that the free institutions ofi Michigan would be on a basis more safe and ètabïe than at present, ifail the laboringpeo-j ple of the State were owned by the persons I who employ thenji Tiioro woald lo no "conflict" about wages then. Every weallhy : farm house would contam f(a little communi-j ty " where oppression might reign without' any restra.int- vhero avarice, lust oud cruelty could hold an unceasing jubilee - wberel the lordly proprietor might count tho bodies and sould of his laborers, thcir wives and lit-1 tle children, as integral portions of his weahh and their valué be entored in his invemory of , property, on the same page which ates bis horses andcattle. Need weaskour' Democratie workingman how he would like ( such a chango of circutnstanccï? Governor M'Duffie honestly expected to see it take - place here, in the course of a few years : i yet such men are called Democrats - ndvo-' cates of cqual rights! The same man assumes that mankind must' be governed by a king and a nobiüty, or the working people must be made slaves, and all , power lodged in the hands of their masters: ( and lest we of the Norlh should erroneously' be led to think that u man'd colour ouglit to! , ruake a diíference in respect to a man'a po litical privileges, he is very careful to notify us ihat color is of no moment at all. it is the man's employment that constituios his disfranchisement: if he is a laborintr man; ' BLEACUED OU.NBLEACHED, he ÍS not fit for ftizedahip, but the safety of community ' juires he should be made a slave, and coun:ed with the brutes of the field! Said the ilichmond Wnig in 1837, "We ' )f the Soutli have cause novv, and soon shall ( mve greater, to congratúlate ourselves on a he existence of a population among U3, r vhich excludes the populace wliich in eiFcct ules sonie of our Northern neighbors, and g 3 rapidly gaining strength wherever slavery b oes not exist - a populace made of the dregs ti( of Europe, and the most worthless portion of our native population." In other worde, Virginia has reason to congratúlate herself that 447,207 laboring peoplc, who Uil her soil and work at the different uiechanical trades, are all slaves, and not frec citizens. How would such a congratularon have sounded in the cara of our noble ancestors ! Aoxiin: Governor Hayne, in his message to the Legislature of South Carolina in 1833, declares, that "the existence of slavory in the Suutb, ie not only to be regardcd as an evil not to be deplored, but that kit brings corresponding advantages, in elevating the character, contributing to the wealth, enlarging the resources, and adding to the etrength of the State in which U cyists," As a commcntaiy on these opinions of the Governor, in 18S3, heer the testimony of a resident at Charleston in 1841, which wc published in our second nuraber. ''South Carolina is a poor State, its soil vvorn out, and lts cnergies depressed; and until thereis an active change in the social system, and in the habits of the social system, and in the habjtsof the peoplc, ït cannot well be otherwise. But pride and poverty have long been associates; and although South Carolina has not as many white inhabitants ae Vermont, its inhabitants talk and feel as if il were the central point around which the whole Union must revolve." Again, furthcr cvider.ee of the attachmunt of the South to the slaveholding form ofgovernment, is found in the unanimity uilh which the slave Siaiea have voled for the admission of other slaveholding states to the Union. Wlien Missouri was to be admitted, every slave representaiive in Congress, without one solitary exception, voted to render it a slave State. And ihe Rcpublic of Texas, whose institutions have chiefly been moulded by citizens from the slavcholding Slatcs, has also permitted the existence of slavery, and placed it on a basis subslantially ihe same with that which prevaüs in the neigbborlng States. "