Letter From R. B. Rexford: For The Signal Of Liberty

Fceling a deep interest in the cause and prosperity of the Liberty party; am having seen several solicitations in the columns of the Signal for a full and fee discussion of the propriety or iinpropriet} of making ad vances in our political creed so as to assumc a definite position upon all important political subjects which lie within the province of National legisla tion; I venture to pen a few thoughts in rcference to this matter. Thé Liberty Party found its origin in the deep and settled conviction of mind that the institution of Slavery was incom patible with the genius and spirit of true Republicanism; averee to the best interests of ournation; debasing in its nature, and degrading in its operations; that the fmal result of its existence in this republic, would bë to annihilate evefy scicrèc principie upon which our governmen was founded. This convictioïï of mind arousëd a mer handful of true hèaried philanthrdpic spir its, who boldly set themselves in open warfare upon the blighting curse of Sla very. In the lapse of a few years abou 70,000 have brok e league with this mon stèrtyrant, and marshalled themselves uri der the banner of Liberty, to make un ceasing conflict Until slavery shull find a dishonored grave. It is then of vital iiii portance to the Liberty Party to tax thei patience in the most delibérate investiga tion of every measure whieh may bc pro posed for future operations; Let every one particularly guard him sëlf again&t a spirit of restless impatienc arising from the Sêèmingfy ilow numen r cal increasc of the Liberty party. Ifw y arè satisfied that our fortress is an impreg e nablë onë, and that we are doinggood ex s ecution in the destrudtion of the enëmië of liberty, we should be slow to hazard . our defeat by doubtful ad vanees. Th f Liberty party have espoused a cause too ? sacred in its character, and too importan 1 in its results, to be laicl upon the alta , where incensé is otlerëd to Bank or Treasury', Tnrifi or Free trade; or any - house-hold (.Tod of a pro-slavery nation. - 1 It is the identical cause for which our ? ü-orthy ancestors put in jeopardy thcir fortunes, their honor, and thcir livcs; and t for which they expended the treasurc and : blood of the nation. Libkrtv was the loneh' motto of a nation's banner during 1 seven years' contest with the powers of despotism; Liberty, then, poKessed an importance which eclipscd ëvery minor consideration, and without which all things else would be valueless. It was the "One Idea" of a nation, in its most holy aepirations, for national honor and greatness. This "One Idea" was a theme for declamation; a pricele:-s je wel in the crosvn óf a nation's glory. It was emphatically this "One Idea," that crowned the effbrts of this nation with success in its struggle for the right of self-government. How sad a change has been produced upon the minds of the great mass of the people in reference to the sacredhess ofLiberty! In my humblc opinión there exists not a more efficiënt cause for the deplorarle apathy and death-like slumbers of the great mn:3 öf mind upon tho subjeot of übertyf than the ceaseless javgon of political demagogiies, in reference to the ünancialrations of the country. It has cast a veil ver the mind, and hardened tlie heait of lis sclf-named republic, against thé rongs, the woes, and the inconceivablö rctcliedness, of 3,000,000 now in bohds. It would secm to me to be a natural esult in the nature of things, that the ëfciency of the liberty party, would bé ensibly diminished, by entering the are a of endloss contention about TarifT and ?rèé tráde, Bank and Sub-Treasury, &c. &c. Sic. I apprehend thcre would )e no more unio'n (in fact) upon the subects proposed for adoption, even among ibcrty men, tlian éxists at present. It 'ould bè only a unión in namö and wholy a nominal matter. We have grëat éason to belicve that a cordial concession o any particular political creed, embfacng all the objects proposed, can never e eflected. Should any political créed ie adoptéd, and made a test of memberhip in the party, I greatly fear it would roduce a separation of the little band of 'orthies now marshallcd under the Librty banner. Many of these subjects. ïave been agitated for yéars; the powers f the most giant minds have been develped in argumcnts pro and con, and yet ie public miiid is unsettled. The time ie means, and the ènergies of the libery party are too sacred to be expended iri ■uarding useless outposts - or in convertng the nation to any favorito creed of fiïancial opöraiions. Admitting that union vas ccrlain, where is the flattering prospect of aiding the liberty cause, by the adoption of the measures proposed? It is not certain that our causè would be benefitted now or in future; The merit or demerit of every measure proposed for adoption in the future operations of the Liberty party, cart only be determined by its feasible and legitímate tendéncy to accomplish the avowed object of the party (viz:) the abolition of slavery. We may be grossly misled in the investigation of any matter, if we assume falso premise?; It can be only an assumption that the adoptiort of the proposed measures will increase the numbèr1 of liberty party men. It is not ciearly certain that the liberty cause would be advanced in fact, even if the numérica! strength was increased four fold by the adoption of any new policy. There are points on which wë may theorize, and when all argumenta aré ëxha'usted, wë may honestly difier in our opinioh. But wë mdy regard it a moral certainty, that accessions o our little band, arising from ány cause, éxcept tho conviction of a social and moral duty to extend the blessings of to all our fellow men, vrotild render the party unstable and insécui'e. - Thé motivo which induccd the accession would be based upon a mere contingent policy of the party. Any othër party kowevcr pro-slavery in its character, might adopt ordiscard all the contingencies of the liberty party, and Jeave us rësting our identiiy upon the stale uOne idea' of libérfy. I apprehend oiir only real strength rests upon the foundation principie of equal liberty to all men who have not forffeitëd it by depredations tipo'n thö rights of others. If this is not the Anchor-principle of every member of the party, lie is an uh'stable, time-serving member, and liable to be tossed by every wind of doctrine. Ëvëry one wlio may be induced to identify himsëlf with the Liberty party, from any consideraron, aside from what is denominated the "One Idea" may do lis infinitely more harm, than he othérwise could. A majority of siich men in the party, might practically discard its fundamental principie of action. Such men might heartily enibrace the contingencies of the party, and put forth all their energies to secure iheir practical operation, hile slavory would remoin trnhai-méd by such action. The truc friends of the caüsë may yet feel the mortifïcation of seeing the foundation principie of the liberty party recorded in the catalogue of things obsolete, and seeing the (emple of Liberty defilecl by those u hówprsMp thcre professedly, unless they t-tand inimovably upon the hallowed foundation of liberty. It would be a matter of deep and lasting regret to every true hearted liberty man, to seo any discordant movements in rheir little band, and we charitably hope that a judicious and candid interchange of thoughts and feelings upon the proposed policy, will only serve to enlistthe united energies of every friend of our cause, in a more efficiënt warfare upon the system of oppression, whicn literally filis our land with groans and tears. I did not purpose to discuss the merit of any of the measures proposed to bo engrafted into the creed of the liberty party, but as I have observed that most of those who have written upon the subjecr. hae generally endorsed the proposition fo graduaüy dimihish, and finaJIy abolteh, the Army and Navy, I wiil venture a